THE EEDERATION 
OE THE WORLD 


$t/ JESSE T. KENNEDY 



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THE FEDERATION 


THE WORLD 


Copyright 1917 

(By JESSE T. KENNEDY 

(All Rights R^eived) 


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aooress ali- communications to 

jeSSe T. KENNEDY 
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Note: Should the separate nations become as federated states, it would 
be necessary to adopt a new flag emblem for designating international 
buildings, ships, police, and so-forth, leaving with the separate nations 
(now as states) their original flags in memory of the many sweet parts 
they have played in a rotten, dead past—and the flag design shown on front 
cover should be symbolic of this unity of purpose. 


©GI.A47l].'513 


SEP 17 1917 

"W i . 



INTRODUCTION 


To the people of the World: In this work the author is not 
pointing out the mote in the eye of his neighbor and covering up 
the beam in his own—instead I am freely criticising my own gov¬ 
ernment. However, this does not necessarily mean that the 
United States of America has not the best form of government 
of any nation in the world. The people of the United States of 
America have the best form of government in the world, but it 
is not good enough, and perhaps it never will be perfect. It is 
the best there is because it can at least be changed a little from 
time to time without the necessity of resorting to the sword. This 
is not true of many of the other nations. 

The governmental changes suggested for this nation, of which 
I am more than proud to be a part and parcel, is intended for the 
careful consideration of the common people of all nations. These 
suggestions may seem crude to those of high educational caste, if 
^o it only confirms my argument in favor of certain decided 
changes in government—there shall be little caste in the future 
Democracy of the Earth. All men will be born, reared and 
educated, on a more equal footing than now, hence less oppor¬ 
tunity for educational and social caste. 

To the common people of the World: I am taking my own 
countrymen to task—do likewise. I have not criticised your 
country—don’t criticise mine. I am striving to make my country 
a still better place in which to live—you strive to make your 
country a still better place in which to live. In thinking of my 
own country, I have not forgotten you and your future welfare— 
in thinking of your country, do not forget me and my welfare. 
You and I must learn to think as One. We must learn to think 
in the strain of “each for all, and all for each, and no one man or 
community for himself or itself alone.’’ 

The world is a-fire with thought. Great things, both good 
and bad, are promised. If you are a wise patriot, you will not 
overlook an oportunity to advise yourself in political economy, in 
order that you will be prepared to do your political duty at the 
polls—God’s place of arbitration. 


3 


In order that you may properly consider the Federation of the 
World, as God would have it be, it will be necessary for you, 
at least for the time being, to remove from your eyes of reason 
the bandages that were placed over them by criminal sectional¬ 
ism, and strive to think with me, even as the Christ thought, for 
the general welfare, instead of self, locality and nation. 

Follow me closely, dear friends, and note the light flickering 
from under the bushel of fake, local and creed prejudices, re¬ 
flecting upon the mental horizon beautiful portraits of under¬ 
standing of that Great, Coming, Peace Upon Earth, Plenty for 
All, Good Will Among All Men, thru Brotherly Love in Unity. 
United we stand. Divided we fall—In Brotherhood Grand, There 
will be enough for us all. 

If you are a prayerful person, let your most constant prayer 
be after this order: “Almighty Creator, I pray Thee to enter fully 
the hearts and minds of all men and bring them to a common un¬ 
derstanding as to what it is that is best for all, and not some par¬ 
ticular part, as represented by self, race or creed.” 

If you are not a prayerful person, then just think well of the 
Federation of the World, and it will be done in proportion to the 
number of well-wishers, since conscientious thought upon the ob¬ 
ject of attainment is very a-kin to prayer. 

Contrary to the general belief, evil prayer is more liberally an¬ 
swered than good prayer—this is because we do more evil praying; 
more evil thinking. This is so simple that a child should under¬ 
stand. Do you think more of the welfare of self, family, commun¬ 
ity and nation, than of your brother, neighbor, the world, of God? 
If so, you are under the spell of the devil’s selfishness and the only 
hope for you is to change your ways and think in the bulk. Think 
in the strain of “Uno Lego, Uno Legvo, Uno Dio—Ju Dio De Ami 
Pro Cio Homospeco.” Which is Esparanta, and translated, reads: 
“One Law, One Language, One God—the God of Love for all 
Man-kind.” 



4 


THE FEDERATION OF THE WORLD. 

TENNYSON’S VISION. 

And I dipped into the future as far as eyes could see. 

Saw the visions of the world and all the wonders that would be; 

Saw the heavens filled with commerce, argosies of magic sails, 

Pilots of the purple twilights, dropping down with costly bales. 

Heard the heavens filled with shoutings, and there rained a ghastly dew 
From the nations’ airy navies, grappling in the central blue. 

’Till the war-drums throbbed no longer, and the battle-flags were furled 
In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World.” 

This work is dedicated to Tennyson because of his seem¬ 
ingly Divine utterances. How could a man of Tennyson’s time, 
nearly sixty years ago, so accurately look into the future and de¬ 
scribe the present international conflict, without Divine guidance? 
At the present time his “airy navies’’ are “grappling in the central 
blue’’ over the battle-fields of Europe, and His “ghastly dew’* 
(blood) is “raining” from the mangled bodies of those pilots in 
the air upon the devastated battlefields. His commerce in the 
air has not as yet arrived, nor has his battle-flags been furled in 
the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the world, but it all will 
come. This is the plan of the Great Master Spirit of the Universe 
for good, and will be opposed by all the agencies of bad—but it 
will come. 

The question that is presented to humanity at this time, and 
of which every thinking man, woman and child should be con¬ 
cerned, is, of what kind of world-wide federation was Tennyson 
speaking? He very distinctly said: “The Parliament of Man,” 
(of men)—a Federated Democracy of the Earth, to be sure. 

So, in dedicating this work to this inspired one, let us also dedi¬ 
cate our thought to the Great Christian Spirit of Internationalism, 
thru which spirit alone can the Great Christian Millennium gradu¬ 
ally unfold itself. 

So much for him that Was and Is, and who will Be in the hearts, 
minds and souls of men and women until the end of time—Now to 
him that Is and can forever Be in the hearts and minds and souls of 
men if he will live up to his opportunities. Woodrow Wilson 
has said: 


5 


“And then the free peoples of the world must draw together 
in some common covenant, some genuine and practical co-operation 
that will in effect combine their forces to secure peace and justice 
in the dealings of nations with one another. The brotherhood of 
mankind must no longer be but an empty phrase; it must be given 
a structure of force and reality. The nations must realize their 
common life and effect a workable partnership to secure that life 
against aggressions of autocratic and self-seeking power.” 

The vision of a human society as wide as the race, unified, 
thrilling with a common enthusiasm, a common aim and purpose, 
of common uplift and helpfulness, has been a dream with which 
philosophers and teachers have lovingly flirted for generations 
and generations. The dream has been the source of much amuse¬ 
ment to the hard-headed thinkers, but it has persisted in spite of 
the division, and blind is he who does not realize that the senti¬ 
ment is stronger today than it ever was in the past. (This last was 
committed to memory and 1 do not know the name of the author 
—it is necessary that a writer, in a work of this nature, quote freely 
of great men of the past and present.) 

However, it will take more than beautiful phrases, or the ac¬ 
tions of a single, small group of men, to usher in the social millen¬ 
nium—this thing must become a living thing in the lives of the 
great masses of the people of the entire civilized world. The world 
must rule itself thru the instrumentality of its people, as a whole. 
It is an insane, criminal idea that any one nation or creed will some 
day rule over the destinies of the nations and peoples of the world. 
The world must be governed by the consent of the governed. 

The only way the world could be conquered and administered 
from a single head against the consent of the world, would be as 
Caesar conquered and ruled it for a time—disarm the world, place 
soldiers in charge of all revenues and upon the streets and high¬ 
ways, and reduce the population of the earth to a state of servitude. 
This seems to be the plans of Germany. Her aims can not ma¬ 
terialize even for a second under any other program. It would 
be the greatest calamity to the German people that could befall 
them for the Kaiser to win this war—it would be a calamity to 
civilization; to the world. 

All who believe in international free trade, that the over¬ 
production of some localities might find free and unhindered 
entrance into the home of the needy of the under-productive and 


6 


famine-stricken localities, and all who oppose the upkeep of the 
separate, great competitive armies and navies, and the cruel,cold¬ 
blooded murderous warfares that pertain thereto, must agree with 
me in my deductions, that the only way these Christian dreams 
of peace upon earth, plenty for all, good will among all mankind, 
ever can be attained, is thru the persuasive (peaceable) con¬ 
solidation of the separate nations of the earth and establishing a 
Great Central Parliament, representative of all nations according to 
literate population, bringing the navies under the direction of a 
single commission and reducing them to just sufficient size to insure 
the proper enforcement of international and local laws, then limit¬ 
ing the separate nations (now as federated states) in the numbers 
of men each can keep under arms, and keep arms provided for, 
just as the separate states of the United States of America are 
limited in the number of men they can keep under arms. Some¬ 
thing after this order will be necessary in order to secure per¬ 
manent peace in the world—for just as long as there are separate 
national legislative and administrative rights, not subject to the 
arbitrary restraint of some Great Central Council of all men, just 
that long will some of the separate nations fall victim of vain, self¬ 
ish rules in the interest of the few, and, as a natural consequence, 
detrimental to the interests of the many, resulting in internal revo¬ 
lutions and international warfare, after the order society is con¬ 
fronted with at this time, in the Year of our Lord Nineteen Hundred 
Seventeen. 

The only thing that need be sacrificed in order to bring about 
the greatest reform for good that the world has ever seen, is national 
pride. TTie only thing that would be destroyed by the consoli¬ 
dation of the separate nations of the earth, is the cruel lie that 
lives in our conception of national patriotism, a vicious something 
which is manufactured in the minds of men, women and children 
by a few national grafters who profit in some manner by trade 
restrictions, the manufacture and sale of munitions of war, the 
financing of wars, and so-forth. 

Does the writer actually believe that some day the separate 
nations of the world will be federated, resulting in peace upon 
earth, plenty for all, good will among all men? I would not be a 
Christian unless I enthusiastically held the opinion that some day 
cannons will be exhibited in museums, just as the instruments of 
torture of the dark ages are now, and that people will wonder how 


7 


such a thing as 20th century warfare ever could have been. I 
would not be a Christian unless I enthusiastically held the opinion 
that some day the only battle-fields will be the markets of the 
world open to a free commerce, and the mind open to new ideas. 

I would not be a Christian unless I enthusiastically held the opinion 
that some day bullets and bombshells will be replaced by ballots, 
by the venerable arbitration of a Great Central Council of all men 
which will be to the world what the Parliament is to England, what 
the Reichstag is to Germany, what the Legislative Assembly is to 
France, and what the Congress is to the United States of America, 
extending the hand of fellowship across the seas. 

« * 

The United States of America is a country composed of all 
nationalities; a country where the criminal spirit of nationalism 
does not, nor never will rule supreme. Therefore, this free people 
of all nations should contribute largely towards the internation¬ 
alization of the world. 

The 1916 presidential election in the United States of America, 
was fought out along the lines of nationalism, versus the Great 
Christian Spirit of Internationalism—and the Christian world 
should take cognizance of the fact that Woodrow Wilson, with his 
Great Christian Spirit of Internationalism, defeated for the office 
of President of this Great Republic, one whose principal backer 
appealed to the narrow and criminal spirit of nationalism. Thank 
God, there is not, and there never will be in this country a type 
of national patriotism that is to be found in Germany and kindred 
Monarchies—we so love the world that all are welcome to come 
and partake of our bountiful harvests. 

At this time, and without the advice of any man, I suggest 
that we hasten to remedy certain gross evils within our own bound¬ 
aries, then, and not until then, open wide our arms and invite the 
friendly nations of the world to come into this common fold of all 
men, offering them representation according to literate population, 
when each would become as a state, retaining its original flag and 
language, but agreeing with us to place its naval craft under the 
New Flag of Freedom, used as the frontispiece of this book, 
and to teach in additional to its national language, one simplified 
international language; a language adopted by our central council. 


8 


We have accepted the petition of all nationals to become one 
with us. We have also accepted, in the case of the Hawaiian 
Islands, the petition of nations to become an integral part of US 
—and the citizens of those Islands have had no occasion to com¬ 
plain of this new consolidation of interests. But the petition must 
be voluntary—and it would be conducive of less friction should 
we adopt a new naval flag under which all of our states would 
sail their war craft. 

However, before our voice will be heard as it should be by 
those high in the order of life and spiritual intelligence, it is abso¬ 
lutely necessary that we have military protection second to none, 
if possible, in the earth. We must be prepared to take a definite 
stand in the affairs of the world. Therefore, let us give thanks 
to God that our President, after long and careful deliberation, has 
planned an army and navy of sufficient strength to back us up in 
our internal and international reforms. Not only should we con¬ 
scientiously give thanks to God for this military preparation, but 
we should go further than this and support the President in every 
legitimate way conceivable, for he is absolutely right in his posi¬ 
tion. 

But let us be careful that we do not overlook the reforms that 
are needed at home, in our efforts to subdue the Mad Mullah 
abroad. We should look about us and clean up the disgraceful 
mess that is to be found in our own political backyards before we 
attempt any serious missionary work abroad, that this missionary 
work abroad, once seriously undertaken, might be accepted as 
something other than the damnable, dollar diplomacy which now 
threatens the destruction of the ground-work of civilization. 

We are cursed with certain, great governmental shortcomings 
that demand our immediate attention. We know that we have no 
correct registration of marriages, births and deaths, and that men 
and women are permitted to roam the country at large under as¬ 
sumed names, marry dozens of times without divorce, beat 
bills, commit murder and assume the names of their victims 
while settling up their estates and bank accounts, and that thou¬ 
sands of young girls are torn away from fond parents and taken 
away under assumed names to live lives of shame in our many 
white-slave dens—we know all of this, and more. We know why 
this is. We know that this is made possible by the separate states 
and districts legislative and administrative rights, whereby crime 


9 


has found root in the local license system—we know, also, that this 
division of government forbids any concentrated effort towards 
badly needed reforms. We know that prohibition, for illustration, 
can not be prohibition by states, but can be under federal legisla¬ 
tion and administration, as was proven in the case of the opium 
traffic—and we know that as it applies to the liquor and opium 
traffic, it applies to all things. We know that a nation divided 
against itself can not permanently endure—and we know still more. 

These separate jurisdictions, aided by state and national 
supreme court decisions, result in codes of law, and the adminis¬ 
tration of the same, very satisfactory to the rich, but when the 
poor seek relief thru these local agencies, the laws are either de¬ 
clared unconstituional, else are viciously administered in the in¬ 
terest of the rich. This is fact, not fiction. To illustrate: 

A couple of years ago, the common people of the state of 
Washington initiated a law, intended to abolish private employ¬ 
ment offices. While soliciting signatures to this petition, one after¬ 
noon, an I. W. W. friend with whom 1 had worked in a camp, tap¬ 
ped me on the shoulder, and said: “Kennedy, you are a bigger 
damned fool than I thought you were. Don’t you know that if the 
measure carries at the polls, that it will either be declared uncon¬ 
stitutional or so administered as to be worthless.’’ His insinuation 
made me angry, and I retorted: “No, 1 know nothing of the kind.’’ 

I scolded him for his seemingly anarchical utterance—but he was 
right. After operating in the interest of wage-earners for about a 
year, the law was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme court 
of the nation, and again we are compelled to pay for the privilege 
of working for a living—shame on the autocratic, mad mullahs in 
our midst. (This last is not with reference to the Supreme court.) 

WILMS EMPLOYMENT AGENCY. 

$5.00 (Licensed Employment Agency.) No. 6576 

Received from Axel Johnson, Five ($5.00) Dollars for furnishing in¬ 
formation by which he shall be able to secure a position as Baker 

.with Pacific Commissary Company. 

at Dupont, (American Lake Cantonment) Wash. J. J. WILMS. 


Applicant must have blankets. All baggage must be checked. If ap¬ 
plicant refuses to do so, he will not be shipped, nor will his office fee be 
refunded. 


10 






This man was shipped out of the City of Seattle to work on a 
United States Army Cantonment, paying five dollars for the priv¬ 
ilege—yet there was a free municipal and a free federal employ¬ 
ment office in the city at the time. And this is not all—it is my be¬ 
lief that the Steward who was responsible for placing this order 
with a private employment agent, had at his command the ad¬ 
dresses of hundreds of cooks and bakers whom he could have reach¬ 
ed with C. O. D. telegrams, yes, and many right on the job waiting. 

The point that I am trying to make by reproducing this em¬ 
ployment office receipt is that though the federal government is striv¬ 
ing hard to solve the problem of employment, it is wasting time and 
money in its efforts while the separate states and districts legisla¬ 
tive and administrative rights are in existence. 

It was my good or bad fortune, while sojourning in a Southern 
state, to witness the burning of a negro. There were fifteen men 
in the executive mob that murdered this unfortunate human being. 
There were scores of men and women and children present who 
knew the murderers and their places of residence. Yet when the 
grand jury met, three of the murderers were sitting on the jury to 
aid in indicting themselves. It is needless to say that they brought 
in a verdict that the deceased came to his death at the hands of 
men unknown. I have before me newspaper clippings of hundreds 
of such miscarriages of justice—and all because of local administra¬ 
tion. There are no such miscarriages of justice in Canada where 
they have a federal judiciary. But 1 am not going to suggest copy¬ 
ing from any nation—I do not believe in “trailing,” but in leading. 
Somebody must lead this grand nation out of the wilderness of in¬ 
ternal crime into which it has sunk, and this somebody must be the 
people themselves. If I can but awaken their conscience and point 
the way, I will have done well. 

In order to give you a still further vision into the nature of 
my reasoning, and in order to give this reasoning support, I again 
quote our learned President: 

“The copper threads of the telegraph run unbroken to every 
nook and corner of this great continent, like the nerves of a single 
body, transmitting thought and purpose with instant precision. 
Railways lie in every valley, and stretch across every plain. Indus¬ 
trial organizations know nothing of state lines, and commerce 
sweeps from state to state in currents which can hardly be traced 
for numbers and intricacy. Ideas, motives, standards of conduct. 


11 


and subtle items of interest, arise from our every surroundings, 
and travel on express trains with the farmers* grain and the merch¬ 
ants’ goods. Invisible shuttles of suggestion weave the thoughts 
and purposes of the separate communities together, and a nation 
which will some day know itself as a single community is a-making 
in the warp and the woof of the fabric/' (This quotation is by 
memory and may not be the exact wording and punctuation, nor 
am I sure from which of his books I am quoting, but think it is 
Constitutional Government.) 



12 


THE FEDERATION OF THE NATION 


Fore-Word; “And Christ knew their thoughts, and said: ‘A nation 
divided against itself is brought to desolation. And every house and 

every city divided against itself shall not stand.” Also: “Do nothing 
thru faction.” 

What is our local option, states rights, political party rule, brethren, 
going to do with this simple doctrine of our Savior? 

As this work is more especially intended for the consideration of the 
great multitude, many of whom do not know the exact meaning of the 
Initiative, and Referendum and Primary Election, will say for the bene¬ 
fit of those who need the information, that the Primary Election is for 
the purpose of selecting a number of candidates to run for office a 

little later on—and the only reason why this first election should not 
be the final election, is because the grafters desire one more chance to 
fool the people, providing they should accidentally fail at the first elec¬ 
tion. And the Initiative and Referendum means that the people can 

draft a bill of proposed law, secure a certain number of bonafide voters 
names to a petition, when the measure will be referred to the people 
at the general election, or at a special election, as indicated in the bill. 
And tho the Initiative and Referendum has not had a fair test, where it 
has been tested at all, it has proven a boon to civilization. 

Somewhere along the line there lies a happy medium between repre¬ 
sentative and direct government—and the following should at least be 
suggestive. 

if- ^ 

One scheming politician has said: “I believe in a new pagan¬ 
ism which will permit a man to obey the dictates of his own con¬ 
science instead of man-made laws.” 

Never was there a stronger anarchical utterance than this. 
All any criminal asks of society is that he be permitted by the rest 
of the world to obey the dictates of his own conscience. And 
all any band of criminals ask of society, is that when they gain 
political control of a city, county, state or nation, they be left 
alone by the surrounding cities, counties, states and nations, in 
their brigandry, rape and murder. 

The savage instinct revolves around the doctrines of personal 
liberties, the survival of the fittest, local government. Civilization 
revolves around the larger forms of community government—the 
larger the community, the more advanced the civilization. Pro- 


13 


viding, however, that the community governs itself by the popular 
consent of the governed, as a body. 

The separate states and districts legislative and administrative 
rights have resulted in so many standards of right and wrong, 
according to law, that the people have actually become confused, 
while traveling from place to place, as to what constitutes right 
and wrong, and have learned to believe like the scheming poli¬ 
tician above quoted, that the only laws we should abide by are 
the dictates of the individual conscience. In other words, we are 
fast becoming a nation of anarchists. 

It is the desire of the thieves to keep the multitude divided 
against themselves into political parties and legislative and adminis¬ 
trative districts, jealous and suspicious of one another, and forever 
fighting among themselves, “straining at gnats, and swallowing 
camels,” as it were, over non-essentials, while the thieves get to¬ 
gether in secret council and divide the spoils of the public conflicts. 
Ye shall know these thieves by their howl. 

It is no difficult matter to fool part of the people all the 
time, or all of the people a part of the time, while divided against 
themselves and wearing political party and sectional blinders, but 
no man can fool the majority of all the people any part of the 
time once the people are free to consider propositions, deliberately 
on their merit. 

“When the people who were most instrumental in founding 
the Republic of the United States of America, selected as its mot¬ 
to, the words “e pluibus unum,” which means out of many One, 
they consciously or unconsciously struck humanity’s great key¬ 
note.” However, the successors to those worthy statesmen shame¬ 
fully betrayed the trust imposed in them, and have set man 
against man, creed against creed, locality against locality, and 
state against state—industrially, religiously, politically. From a 
distance, one would think that we are hopelessly divided against 
ourselves—at least this seems to be the conviction of our enemy 
abroad. 

When we undertake to abolish the liquor curse, for illustra¬ 
tion, the agents of thievedom tell us that it is impossible to stop 
the importation of intoxicating liquors while the adjoining states 
are permitted to manufacture and sell the stuff—a sound argu¬ 
ment. But when we undertake to make it a well defined national 


14 


issue, these same hired agents of thievedom tell us that the liquor 
problem is a problem to be solved by the separate states and 
communities—^what a lie we are living. 

For many years the separate states and districts seemed to be 
powerless in coping with the rapid growth in the use of the deadly 
drug opium—and in order to save the nation from this drug-curse, 
the federal government stepped in and in less than ten years al¬ 
most completely abolished the use of the drug. If the opium 
curse was a national issue, so is the liquor curse. But this is not 
intended as a prohibition sermon—it is intended to show how 
the separate states and districts legislative and administrative 
rights forbids a healthy response to the popular demands. 

At the time of writing, hundreds of logging camps and saw 
mills in the West are closed owing to a strike of their laborers 
for the eight-hour day. The President has urged that the men 
be given the eight-hour day. He was anxious to keep the wheels 
of industry moving as a part of his great war program against 
an outlaw nation abroad. But the rich men in our midst, it seems, 
would sooner war on our own people than to see them win a 
single point towards bettering their conditions in life. They give 
as one of their excuses for opposing the eight-hour day the fact 
that their competitors in other states who work their men ten 
hours could undersell them—a very sound argument. So it can 
be seen that the separate states and districts legislative and ad¬ 
ministrative rights practically forbids the incorporation of any 
reforms worth while. 

The common people of the United States of America have 
been robbed of about forty billion dollars during the past fifty 
years by fraudulent companies operating under state license, or 
charter. As a result of these fraudulent operations of joint stock 
companies, the common people now refuse to save and invest. 
If they do happen to save a little money, they place it in private 
banks to be invested in the industries of 'the country by those who 
are already rich. Our people must be encouraged to save and 
invest; but they never will be encouraged to save and invest in 
the industries of the country under the separate states rights re¬ 
gime. 

At one time in the history of the country, it took several 
months to communicate back and forth with the national capitol 
from some of the outlying districts. Under such conditions, a 


15 


large measure of districts legislative and administrative rights were 
necessary and right. However, we can now communicate back 
and forth with the national capitol from the principal centers of 
population of any of our possessions within the hour. So what 
one time was necessary and right, has now become un-necessary 
and wrong—but people shy at changes. 

In order to convince, one can not quote too many good 
authorities. Therefore, 1 will now quote two distinct but different 
types of American statesmen, Woodrow Wilson, and Theodore 
Roosevelt, in defense of my position against states and districts 
legislative and administrative rights. 

Woodrow Wilson says: “The plan of leaving to the states 
the regulation of all that portion of the law which mostly touches 
our daily interests, and which in effect determines the whole or¬ 
ganic structure of society, the whole organic structure of industry 
and business, has some very serious disadvantages which make 
themselves more and more emphatically felt as modern tendencies 
of social and political development more and more prevail over 
the old conservative forces. When the Constitution of the Union 
was framed, the states were practically very far distant from one 
another. Difficulties of travel very largely restricted intercourse 
between them, being, so to say, physically separated. But now 
the railroads and telegraphs have made the country small both to 
shipping and the sending of messages—the states have geogra¬ 
phically compacted. Above all, they have been commercially and 
industrially knit together. State divisions, it has turned out, are 
not natural economic divisions; they practically constitute no 
boundaries at all to any distinctly marked industrial region. 
Variety and conflict of laws, consequently, have brought not a 
little friction and confusion into our social and business arrange¬ 
ments. 

“At some points this diversity and multiformity of law almost 
fatally affect the deepest and most abiding interests of the na¬ 
tional life. Above all things else, it has touched the marriage re¬ 
lations, that tap-root of all social growth, with deadly corruption. 
Not only has the marriage tie been greatly relaxed in some of the 
states, while in others it retains its old time tightness, so that the 
conservative rules which jealously guarded the family ties, as the 
heart of the state, promise, amid the confusion, to be almost for¬ 
gotten, but diversity between state and state have made possible 
the most scandalous processes of collusive divorce and marriage. 


16 


It has been possible for either party to a marriage to go into an¬ 
other state, and, without acquiring there a legal residence, obtain 
from its courts a routine divorce because the other party to the 
contract has not answered a summons published only in the state 
in which suit is instituted, and, therefore, practically certain not 
to be brought to the notice of the person for whom it was in¬ 
tended. Under such a system a person may be divorced without 
knowing it, and it may be possible for a man to have different 
wives, or a woman different husbands, in several states. 

“In the matter of taxation, so great a variety of law obtains 
among the states as to preclude in part a normal and healthy eco¬ 
nomic development. Special taxes drive out certain employment 
from the state, special exemptions artificially foster them in others, 
and in many quarters ill-adjusted systems of taxation tend to 
hamper industry to the exclusion of capital. So, too, in the mat¬ 
ters of corporations, diversity of state laws work great confusion, 
and partial disaster to the interests of commerce and industry, not 
only because some states are less careful in their creation and 
control of corporations than others, and so work harm to their 
own citizens, but also because loosely or otherwise incorporated 
companies created by laws of one state may do business and es¬ 
cape proper responsibility in another state. 

“In criminal law again, variety works social damage, tending 
to concentrate crime where laws are lax, and undermine by dif¬ 
fuse percolation the very principles which social experience has 
established for the control of the vicious classes. So, too, in laws 
concerning debt, special exemptions or special embarrassments of 
procedure here, and everywhere, impair the delicate instrument, 
credit, upon whose perfect operation the prosperity of a commer¬ 
cial nation depends. 

“In a country thus compacted (as now), thus made broader 
than its states in its feelings and interests, thus turned away from 
its merely local enterprises of early history, to the national com¬ 
merce and the production of the present generation, state lines 
must coincide with the lines of very few affairs which are not 
political. There must be many calls for the adjusting weight of 

an authority larger than that of a single state. It is in view 

of such affairs, such multiformity and complexity of law touching 
matters which ought to be, for the good of the country, uniformly 
and simply regulated thruout the Union, that various extensions of 
the sphere of the federal government have been possessed. 


17 



Theodore Roosevelt, in an article in the Metropolitan Maga¬ 
zine, said: “Recently 1 was in the office of a big concern in 
Syracuse, which owns a line of trading steamers on the upper 
Great Lakes. This concern is incorporated in Maine; but none of 
its business is done within a thousand miles of Maine. Its busi¬ 
ness office is Syracuse. Under the law it is required to name the 
nearest port as its home port; and it has named Oswego. But 
none of its vessels have ever gone to Oswego, and they never 
can go, except by sliding over the Niagara Falls. The vessels run 
from a city in Ohio, to a city in Minnesota, and touch several 
states between them. Now can there be imagined a more absurd 
system than that which leaves such a corporation under state con¬ 
trol, the state in question being one which has not the slightest 
connection with it? Of course there should be national control 
of such a corporation. 

“One of the leading aviators of the country has just written 
an article in which he says that he has little doubt that within a 
few years airships will be practical for carrying commodities of 
small bulk. If this prophecy is even approximately correct, how 
is it possible that there can be anything resembling state control 
of these operations in the air? Surely we should now be studying 
the possibilities of this condition and be ready to meet it when it 
does come, and not wait until we bump into it, then wonder what 
we are going to do about it. and this object can not be ac¬ 

complished by a chaos of forty-eight separate states working at 
cross purposes in the development of our international industrial 
fabric. We can not have industrial justice so long as we have 
forty-eight different codes of law governing accidents and sanitary 
conditions in factories, old-age pensions and the like. We can 
not get permanently good results out of forty-eight conflicting 
sovereignities. 

Here 1 have quoted in defense of my contentions, two of our 
most prominent and respected statesmen. Mr. Wilson is typical 
of the scholar and goes a long way about to get at the point, but 
he arrives safely, right side up with care. Mr. Roosevelt is typi¬ 
cal of the American frontiersman, and comes directly to the point. 
Both are great men—and surely it is of significance, in connection 
with my contention for a centralized Democracy, that these men 
touch so closely my line of reasoning. I am not plagiarising these 
men—I had the ideas before I ever read anything a-long the lines 
of political economy. I went book-worming after something to 


18 



substantiate my opinion, that is all—have I made good? Better 
read these quotations again—it would do you no harm to read 
them over and over and over again. 

On every hand we come in contact with sentiment expressed 
in favor of the abolition of the separate states and districts legisla¬ 
tive and administrative rights, more particularly among wage- 
earners. One would naturally think that where wage-earners gain 
control of local administrations they could collect damages for 
injuries and loss of life by negligence on the part of a corpora¬ 
tion, but not so in many cases, for the corporation appeals its 
case to another tribunal. On the other hand, where the employer 
gains control of the local government, he can have it practically 
his own way, for the wage-earners can not appeal their cases to 
the higher tribunals with any marked degree of success. 

Can anybody imagine a more absurd thing than a federal 
law which forbids a butcher doing interstate business in diseased 
beef, while at the same time permitting this butcher to sell the 
diseased cattle to a local butcher not doing interstate business, 
to slaughter and sell to local consumers? Yet this is exactly what 
is being done as a result of the conflicting authorities between 
federal and state governments. 

Can anybody conceive of anything more absurd than a feder¬ 
al law which makes it a penitentiary offense for a man to take 
a woman across the state line, other than his wife, for sensual 
purposes, while holding no restraint over the man in this respect 
within the boundaries of the state. The man is perfectly safe in 
this criminal practice if he will but stop a few feet within the state 
line. It seems that it is alright for us to commit crime according 
to law. 

Can anybody conceive of anything more absurd than the thou¬ 
sands of local boards of censors for moving pictures? Under 
such a system it is nearly impossible to portray the practical les¬ 
sons of life without having our films cut in pieces by censor 
cranks, causing millions of dollars in loss to film producing firms. 
Freedom? Why, dear reader, we are not free to work for a liv¬ 
ing without paying a fee to some labor union boss (and often not 
even permitted to do this), professional boss, or as license in the 
various communities in which we go—thru local option we have 
just about legislated our freedom away. 

On every hand we come in contact with sentiment expressed 
in favor of centralized government. 


19 


“Washington, April the 1st (1917). America may have to 
centralize her government further for war purposes, just as Eng¬ 
land and France have done.” This reminds one of the story of 
the man locking the stable after the horse was stolen. 

If we are compelled to centralize our government in order to 
secure efficiency in war times, is not this sufficient argument that 
it is necessary to centralize it in times of peace in order to get 
efficiency—efficiency is power; and power, properly used, is God¬ 
ly. Nobody admires inefficiency except where he can profit by it 
at the expense of the inefficient ones. Unless I make a thoro 
study of my subject and lay before you in good literary style my 
ideas, my efforts will be a failure and I will meet with universal 
scorn. Success lies in the wake of efficiency—and this applies to 
nations as well as individuals. 

“Washington, Oct. 17 (1916). Frank Trumbull, Chairman 
of the railway executive advisory committee, said that railway in¬ 
terests would recommend centralization of interstate railway regu¬ 
lations in the federal government, and the removal of many super¬ 
visory powers from the states.” 

“Alfred P. Thom, Counsel for the railway executive advisory 
committee, suggested that federal regulation should replace the 
present system of authority divided between the states and the 
central government.” Indeed many have learned to know that 
a nation can not permanently endure divided against itself. 

Some of our leading statesmen have suggested that certain 
fundamental changes ought to be made in the Federal Constitu¬ 
tion. However, these men are timid politicians and seem afraid 
to make any radical suggestions. “Boldness has genius, magic, 
power in it”—so having no political opportunities, apparently, as 
a result of lowly birth and unfortunate circumstances, even tho I 
had the ambitions, will brave the certain protests of those 
abundantly possessed of worldly goods and patriotism for the ship 
of state thru which these goods were (legitimately or otherwise) 
possessed, and make a proposition in harmony with the spirit of 
the Constitution of this Nation. 

I propose that we draft a new Constitution, intended to abol¬ 
ish states and districts legislative and administrative rights in favor 
of a Great Centralzed Democracy, leaving with the separate com¬ 
munities the rights of popular petition, and assuming their in¬ 
debtedness in return for their public properties, then proceed 


20 


along the lines of “all for each, and each for all, and no one man 
or community for himself or itself alone.” 

This new Constitution would read, in part, that any qualified 
voter could become a candidate for President of these Great 
United States of America, who would declare his or her intentions 
to this effect ninety days prior to the general election, at the 
same time paying into the federal treasury a cash filing fee of 
one hundred dollars. And that any qualified voter could support 
for President any one candidate whose name appears upon the 
official national ballot, only. And that the candidate who secures 
the most votes would be declared the President of the United 
States of America, the second popular choice Vice President, 
the third popular choice second Vice President, and so on down 
in numerical order until the desired number of two hundred and 
ninety-seven representatives of all the people are secured at large. 

There would be no individual powers vested in the President, 
as all laws would be made and repealed by the popular vote of the 
people’s representatives in Congress, else by the direct and popu¬ 
lar vote of the people, or both—and these laws would be ad¬ 
ministered by six distinct and separate administrative commis¬ 
sions, selected at large from time to time by the direct and popu¬ 
lar vote of the people’s representatives in Congress, as more fully 
outlined further along in this work. 

Under this proposed new order of things, any representative 
of the people could draft and submit to Congress a bill of pro¬ 
posed law, free of the interference of committees, lobyists, etc. 
And all bills of proposed law would be filed on the national 
legislative dockets in the numerical order they are submitted for 
record, at the same time making provisions for one correct copy 
of the proposed law for each member of congress and the public 
press, when each bill of proposed law would come before Con¬ 
gress with thirty minutes time limit for speaking in favor of the 
bill by its originator, or his or her personally selected representa¬ 
tive, with a similar time limit for speaking for or against the 
measure by the President or his or her personally selected repre¬ 
sentative, when the bill would be placed before each member of 
Congress, before they leave their seats, for their signatures for and 
against the bill becoming law on the date indicated therein. 
Should a majority of two-thirds, or over, of the people’s repre¬ 
sentatives favor the bill with their signatures, said bill would be- 


21 


come law on the date indicated therein. But if a bill should be 
favored with the signatures of a majority less than two-thirds of 
the people’s representatives, said bill would be referred to the 
people at the coming general referendum election, of which there 
would be one every year, unless, however, the bill should be 
forced to a special election by petition, in which case it would 
be considered by the people in harmony with the principles em¬ 
bodied in the petition. And should a bill of proposed law be 
opposed by a majority of two-thirds, or over, of the people’s 
representatives, this would constitute the impeachment of the 
member introducing the bill before Congress, but this impeached 
member would have recourse to the Initiative and Referendum 
on the measure, and should he or she be successful in bringing the 
matter before the people, and should the people reverse the mem¬ 
bers of Congress who opposed the bill originally, this would con¬ 
stitute the impeachment of those members in Congress reversed, 
their successors being selected at the same time. But if a bill of 
proposed law is opposed by a majority of less than two-thirds of 
the people’s represenattives in Congress, said bill would be given 
for the popular consideration of the people at a general referen¬ 
dum. And if the majority of the people opposed any measure at 
a general or special election, this would constitute the impeach¬ 
ment of the member of Congress who introduced the measure, 
with no further recourse to the impeached one than to run for 
office at will. The idea being to establish a semi representative 
and popular rule, forever leaving the last word with the people, 
and to discourage the introduction of freak bills of proposed law 
for the purpose of clogging our legislative machinery. With such 
a method of creating and repealing laws in vogue, ideas would 
come forth from the brains of hidden geniuses who would never 
be heard from under the present system—and if there be any who 
fear an excess of laws by this method of government, let that one 
make a study of those communities where the Initiative and Re¬ 
ferendum is now in use. In the State of Washington where the 
Initiative and Referendum is at the service of the people, but 
three laws were created by the people during one year, while 
more than a hundred were created by their proxy representatives. 
The day will come when no laws will be written upon our statutes 
without the popular endorsement of the people whom those laws 
are to govern. 


22 


With this proposed method of popular rule in vogue, we 
will have completely destroyed mob (political party) rule in this 
nation; for should any particular gang (political party bosses) 
center its whole support upon any one candidate for President, 
the best success they could possibly expect, would be in securing 
the election of their candidate to the presidency, who, having little 
individual powers more than the two hundred and ninety-six 
other representatives of the people, could give no after-election 
favors to the gang in payment for before-election gang support, 
hence the end of political corruption in this country. 

It is the individual powers that are vested in our President 
under the present system which makes him the most powerful 
Monarch in the world today. 

Originally this power of appointment and veto was not con¬ 
sidered a very serious matter. When the existing constitution 
was adopted, the people who framed it had little conception of 
the future growth and development of the country. The mere 
transformation of a hundred years bewilders the most compre¬ 
hensive mind. But multiplied wealth and population does not 
begin to tell the story of the increased activities of the federal 
government. I can not even suggest to what extent the federal 
powers have been increased during the present generation alone. 
It has not only added to the numbers of federal employees, but 
it has in geometrical ratio added to their importance and influence 
in the lives of the people. 

Had this proposed Centralized Democracy been in vogue at 
the time of the 1912 presidential election, I can conceive of 
Theodore Roosevelt having been selected to the high and honor¬ 
able, but not too powerful position of President of the United 
States of America, as one of a great body of representatives of 
all the people, such as William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson, 
William Howard Taft, Hiram Johnson, Oswald West, Robert La 
Folette, Champ Clark, and others in-numerable—men whom we 
all know to be fair and square and open and above board, in¬ 
stead of the band of backwoods, small town corporation, hand¬ 
picked lawyers with which our Congress is now cursed, whom we 
never heard of, nor will ever hear from, at least not favorably. 
It is the general consensus of opinion that these peanut politicians 
can be purchased at so much per dozen. 

Should we federate our separate states and establish a cen¬ 
tralized Democracy, thru which instrumentality the voice of the 


23 


people could find expression in law and the proper administration 
of law, instead of being compelled, as seems to be the case under 
the present system, to make anarchical demonstrations in order 
to awaken the calloused conscience of our political bosses and 
whip them in line in favor of much needed reforms, then other 
nations would hasten to consolidate their governments, when it 
would be but one more step in order to bring these consolidated 
nations into one common fold—a United States of the World. 
It is a mere matter of stepping up a notch, that is all. 

Does the writer actually believe that some day the separate 
states and districts legislative and administrative rights, so-called, 
will be abolished in favor of a Great Centralized Democracy? 

I would not be a Christian unless I held the opinion that some 
day we will have abolished every avenue thru which political 
creeds might operate and disrupt our moral fabric. I would 
not be a Christian unless I held the opinion that some day this 
will be a nation ruled by the people and for the benefit of the 
people as a whole, and not some particular part, as dominated by 
political party or religious creed. I would not be a Christian 
unless I held the opinion that some day the great rule of reason 
as expressed by the ballot, will rule supreme thruout this broad 
land. But it is a long way to Tiperary and every inch of evolu¬ 
tion must be fought for to the bitter end for there are cerain evil 
influences barricaded behind the present system. He that hath ears 
of reason let him hear. 

There are many ways suggested to my none too fertile brain 
how to abolish the separate states and districts legislative rights. 
One of these would be to launch a great campaign of education 
and popular persuasion to these ends. But there is another, and 
perhaps the way the object will first be forced upon the people in 
a half-hearted way, and that would be for the President, during 
some distressing time like that of war to, with one fell swoop of 
his mighty pen, declare martial law for a time, when it would 
prove so successful that the separate states would unanimously de¬ 
clare in favor of its continuance. 

The following telegram was forwarded by the writer to the 
President of the United States at a time when anarchy was alive 
in the West. Under the guise of patriotism, officers of the state 
militia, sheriffs and deputy sheriffs, chiefs of police, etc., certain 
that they would not be prosecuted by the local governments, were 


24 


raiding labor union halls, destroying their records, smashing their 
furniture, etc. It seemed to. me the proper thing to do was for 
the President to take the administration of justice out of the hands 
of these local politicians in order to put an end to further anar¬ 
chical tactics. It seemed to me that we Kad enough anarchists 
without these local grafters making more. It seemed to me that 
all of us should have been fighting the common enemy from with¬ 
out, instead of drawing the sword of battle over the spoils of 
war profits within. So I suggested this radical step to the Presi¬ 
dent. Eventually this step will have to be taken, so why not 
take it now before being driven in a corner by local outlaws? 

THE TELEGRAM. 

To the President: 

Belonging to no labor, social or capitalistic organization, and having 
worked at Puget Sound Navy Yard, American Lake Cantonment, and in 
a number of camps and mills, have acquired that free conviction which 
I urge you to consider. Viz. 

Immediate martial law for the entire nation, proper registration of all 
in our midst, absolute all federal judicial and police administration for 
the period of the war, at least. The national minimum wage and the 
eight-hour day, when all friendly nations adopting our industrial stand¬ 
ards would be invited to free trade with us. 

Seattle, Wn., August 21, 1917. 

I had two objects in sending this telegram. One was because 
it was my conviction that the emergency demanded it—the other 
to secure a text to write upon. 

ff- if- 

CAINITES 

Ever since Cain went into the wilderness. 

Until the present time. 

The world has been filled with bitterness. 

And the hearts of men with crime. 

Cain went away to found a new nation. 

More in harmony with his criminal tastes. 

For crime, he had a notion. 

Found more freedom in the separate states. 

And on and on the Cainites went. 

Until they came to the end of space. 

And came together without consent. 

Here in America, face to face. 


25 


In good old America, they came face to face, 

From the North, the South, the West and the East, 
And this nation also disgraced 
With their personal liberty feasts. 


But along came Teddy Roosevelt, 
With ideas of broader view, 

Who unloaded until he felt, 
Cainites, it is all off with you. 


And after Teddy with his nationalism. 
Came Woodrow to clinch the game, 

With little thoughts of any isms. 

But of this great nation, to save its name. 


And as a result of these great men. 

We have conservation and the federal banks. 
Which is just a beginning towards the end 
Of states rights and personal liberty cranks. 


FOREIGN DIPLOMACY 


The first administrative commission, consisting of fifteen mem¬ 
bers, that would be selected at large by the direct and popular vote 
of the people’s representatives in Congress, would be known as the 
Foreign Relations Commission. 

This commission would supervise imports and exports, deep 
sea and aerial navigation, cable and wireless telegraphy, deep sea 
fishing, and the like, and would direct our representatives abroad 
in their duties. In fact all things directly affecting our relations 
with foreign countries would be looked after by this commission, 
as advised by Congress and the people from time to time. 

As this is intended as a vague suggestion, will leave the 
thot with you and move on to topics with which I am more 
familiar. Am more interested in our internal affairs than affairs 
abroad. 


26 



THE JUDICIARY 

The second administrative commission, consisting of fifteen 
members, that would be selected at large by the direct and 
popular vote of the people’s representatives, would be known as 
the Judicial Commission. 

The duties of the Judicial Commission would be in directing 
the entire problem of administering justice. 

The Judicial Commission would plan and establish, with the 
consent of Congress and the people, an all-federal system of ad¬ 
ministering justice, which would include three branches of trial 
courts—the Magistrates’ Court, the Superior Court, and the 
Supreme Court. 

The Magistrates Court would be composed of three or more 
members, and would sit in banc in all trials of disturbing the 
peace, assault, theft, and the like, and in giving preliminary trials 
to those accused of more serious offenses against the law, bind¬ 
ing them over to the Superior Court, etc. when the evidence 
seemed to justify a further hearing of the cases. 

These Magistrates would render popular decisions, and ap¬ 
peals could be had from the popular decision of a Magistrates’ 
Court to the Superior Court—and it would constitute the im¬ 
peachment of any Magistrates reversed by the Superior Court on 
substantially the same evidence submitted at the lower trial. 

The Superior Court would be composed of fifteen learned 
judges, also to render popular verdicts—and appeals could be 
had from the popular verdicts of the Superior Court to the 
Supreme Court, and it would constitute the impeachment of any 
Superior Court judges reversed on substantially the same evi¬ 
dence submitted at the lower trial, by the Supreme Court. And 
appeals could be had from the popular verdicts of the Supreme 
Court to the Judicial Commission, and it would constitute the 
impeachment of any Supreme Court judges reversed by the 
Judicial Commission on substantially the same evidence submitted 
at the lower trial. And appeals could be had from the popular 
verdicts of the Judicial Commission to the peoples’ representa¬ 
tives in Congress, and it would constitute the impeachment of any 


27 


Judicial Commissioners reversed by Congress—and appeals could 
be had from the popular decisions of Congress to the people 
thru the Initiative and Referendum, and it would constitute the 
impeachment of any representatives of Congress reversed by the 
popular vote of the people, their successors being selected at the 
same time, thus forever leaving, as it should, the last word 
with the people. However, as has been proven in Canada, there 
will be few appeals once we have abolished corruption in our 
judicial system whereby guilty parties continually hold out hopes 
that they will defeat the aims of justice on appeal. 

However, I am not so much concerned about the prosecution 
of criminals as I am about the causes of crime, poverty and ig¬ 
norance—therefore, will leave this simple thot with you and 
move up a notch to a more important function of government. 
It would be useless for me to launch out in a lengthy denunciation 
of the present judicial system, as my soul cries out to do, since 
this denunciation has already gone the rounds of every fire-side 
—if I have not tipped you off to something. I’ll stand for you 
to tip me off to something. Our judicial system is as rotten as 
hell itself—what are we going to do about it? 



28 


FEDERAL POLICE 


Fore-word: The people of the world are good and bad in the degree 
that they are encouraged to be good and by good and bad government. 
This includes the government of self, home and the common government 
of all men—but the greatest of these is the common governmen of all 
men. So it will be seen that the writer is not appealing to anarchists 
and thieves for support in his contention for certain very decided re¬ 
forms in our common government. 

ff- fi- 

The third administrative commission, consisting of fifteen 
members, that would be selected at large by the direct and popu¬ 
lar vote of the people’s representatives in Congress, would be 
known as the Federal Police Commission. 

The duties of this commission would be in consolidating city, 
county, state and national hospital and police services and in di¬ 
recting the whole against crime and disease, of which the one is 
the counterpart of the other. , 

This commission would arrange, subject to the approval of 
Congress and the people, a national minimum wage of about one 
hundred dollars per month for patrolmen, mounted police, nurses, 
etc., and a minimum wage of about two hundred dollars per month 
for officers, physicians and specialists, matrons, etc., which splen¬ 
did wages would encourage millions of our very best types of 
young men and women to prepare in our public schools for these 
noble services, thus giving us an army and hospital reserve of 
efficiency, second to none upon the earth. 

At the present time about five hundred thousand men and 
women are employed in city, county, sate and national police and 
hospital services, at an average cost to the public of about five 
hundred dollars per month each. By bringing these services un¬ 
der the direction of a single commission, we would not only 
economize in government, but would abolish the over-lapping 
jurisdiction which now forbids governmental efficiency. 

By bringing these services under federal control and paying 
our soldier boys and girls (used in times of peace as civilian 
police and hospital attendants) a minimum wage of one hundred 
dollars per month, then preparing our boys and girls for these 


29 


services in our public schools, we will have formed a great police 
and hospital service of efficiency, second to none upon the earth. 
These reserves would forever stand trained and ready (on no 
pay) to step into the places of the regulars, while the regulars 
march out in battle line to oppose any foe from without or within. 

Numbering the People 

Public hospitals would be established in conjunction with 
federal police station where needed thruout our possessions, and 
at these public hospitals and police stations, all marriages, births 
and deaths would be recorded, which records would find their 
way to a central bureau, perhaps the hospital and police national 
headquarter’s; and all people in our midst would be required to 
register annually at these federal police stations and secure free 
medical, surgical and dental attention, if needed, when each 
applicant would be photographed and complete identification of 
the applicant, including his facial likeness, thumb-print, signature, 
place and date of birth, sex, if married or single, etc. would be 
printed on a number of small cards about the size of the ordinary 
business or calling card, when one of these photographic cards 
of identification would be filed in alphabetical and numerical 
order at the place of registration, while one other would be for¬ 
warded to police national headquarters where it would be filed 
in alphabetical, numerical and district order, the remainder of 
the print, and as many more as the applicant for registration 
would care to pay for at the cost of production, would be de¬ 
livered to the applicant for private use in securing his mail, money 
at banks, express, hotel accomodations, lease and own property, 
etc., for then national laws would be created demanding these 
photographic identification of all, in the ordinary walks of life, 
when it would most naturally become a custom to present these 
cards in seeking self-introduction to strangers, thus making them 
of such convenience to the traveling public, and of such protection 
to business men and the common morals, as to meet with utter 
condemnation on the part of criminals, who would contend that 
this would make it well nigh impossible for a man to commit 
crime and get away with it. 

Balloting by Mail 

With the above proposed photographic passport system in 
vogue, then all any man or woman qualified to vote would have 


30 


to do, would be to step in at any federal police station wherever 
he or she happens to be on election day, present one of his or 
her photographic cards of identification to the officer in charge 
of the balloting, who would compare it with the applicant to 
vote, and if the comparison is favorable, the officer would return 
to the applicant the card of identification, along with the neces¬ 
sary ballot or ballots, and the applicant would retire to a private 
booth and mark the ballot or ballots according to printed instruc¬ 
tions only, fold and attach securely on the outside thereof the 
photographic card of identification, return the twain to the officer 
in charge who would again compare the identification with the 
proposed voter, and if the comparison is still favorable, the 
ballot with identification securely attached would be dropped into 
a sealed mail pouch, and when the polls close this pouch would 
be forwarded by mail to the police national headquarters where 
the indentification cards attached to ballots would be compared 
with the duplicates on file since this particular annual registra¬ 
tion, and if the comparisons are favorable, the duplicates on file 
would be stamped “voted’ on the date in question, and the iden¬ 
tification cards attached to ballots, detached, and the ballots for¬ 
warded thru several hands in open count in a manner to positively 
forbid any fraudulent counting of ballots, thus, for the first time 
in the history of the world forbidding “repeater” and other forms 
of fraudulent voting and the counting of ballots, thereby laying 
the necessary foundation upon which to erect an absolute Democ¬ 
racy. 

This very simple reform in our election machinery would in 
itself constitute the greatest political reform the world has ever 
seen but even this simple reform could not be effected without 
first liberalizing our fundamentals of government along lines sug¬ 
gested in chapter two, “The Federation of the Nation.” One 
limb of a diseased body politic can not be cured of its ills until 
the main body, the very soul of the nation, as expressed in its 
constitution, has undergone a successful operation and at least 
convalescing satisfactorily under the social operation. 

A Correct Census Enumeration 

This method of policing the land, when all marriages, births 
and deaths, and all people in our midst would be properly re¬ 
corded at a central office annually, would give us an exact an 
un-expensive annual census enumeration, which would be a great 


31 


improvement over the present method of enumerating a part of 
the people once every ten years at a cost of millions of dollars. 
I am past thirty-five years of age and it is a fact that, tho residing 
most of my life within the borders of the United States, I have 
met up with no census enumerators—have not been enumerated, 
at least as far as I am advised. Have met hundreds of men who 
claimed they had never been enumerated. My God! Is it pos¬ 
sible that we can not secure an iota of efficiency in this semi 
Monarchy? At least we have reached “the parting of the ways” 
—we must make of our nation an absolute Monarchy, else an ab¬ 
solute Democracy. We must quit living a national lie. 

Free Medical Attention to the Needy 

We have no practical method of giving medical, surgical and 
dental attention to the destitute. It has come to pass that almost 
the entire popultion is defective, yet thousands of physicians and 
specialists are simply dying for the lack of work to do. It is a 
false political economy which provides free medical attention for 
the most physical fit that compose our army, but which denies 
medical attention to their aged mothers, sick wives, children and 
brothers and sisters who are in financial distress. Is not the 
health of the prospective mother of the prospective soldier of an¬ 
other generation of as much importance as that of the soldier now 
under the colors? 

Permit me to draw a little picture that I have long had in 
mind: There was a sweet little widow whose husband left her 
a few thousand dollars in life insurance and an injunction to edu¬ 
cate Johnny, their only son, to become a physician—we will call 
her the widow Jones. 

After years of struggling and sacrificing, the widow Jones 
was apparently rewarded for her trials one fine day when her son 
Johnny returned from College with his diploma to practice medi¬ 
cine. The next problem was to get Johnny established in business. 

The widow Jones mortgaged her last property and fitted out 
a nice office on a prominent down-town street, and there was 
swung out over the side walk a sign, reading J. J. Jones, Graduate 
Physician—and Johnny Jones retired to his office to await victims. 

About this time Sammy Brown returned home to his widowed 
mother with his dental diploma—and the widow Brown mort¬ 
gaged her last property for money to fit up a nice down-town of- 


32 


fice for her Sammy. So, after a time, a sign was swung out over 
the side walk just across from Dr. Jones’ office, reading S. S. 
Brown, Graduate Dentist—and Sammy Brown retired to his 
office to await victims. 

Some months later, one drizzly afternoon, the widow Jones 
was seen coming down the street with her hands pressed to her 
aching jaw. She stopped before Dr. Brown’s office and looked 
up at his beautiful dental sign, and said: “I know that I should 
have my teeth attended to, but I will have to wait until Johnny’s 
business picks up”—and she hobbled off down the street and 
around the corner. A few days after this, the widow Jones took 
seriously ill and died. The doctors said she died from blood 
poison as a result of decayed teeth. 

Shortly after this, the widow Brown was seen dragging her 
frail, wornout body down the street. She stopped before Dr. 
Jones’ office, looked up at his sign, and said: “Yes, I know that 
I need medical attention, but I will have to wait until Sammy’s 
business picks up, and she dragged herself on and around the 
corner. A few days later the widow Brown passed away—the 
doctors said she died for lack of proper medical attention. And 
all the time Johnny Jones and Sammy Brown were sitting idle, 
anxious as could be for work to do, whiling their idle hours away 
with occasional “shots” of morphine for the lack of something 
better to do. The camera is closed with bitter, resentful tears, 
for I too have witnessed the passing away of a sweet mother for 
the lack of proper medical attention. The best I can say for the 
man who even attempts to defend such a system, is damn him; 
damn him. 

A prominent physician once said that he had discovered 
hundreds of children under ten years of age who were habitual 
abusers of their reproductive organs, many as young as the age 
of four years. He said that if these children were let go out into 
the world without the proper treatment and attention, they would 
contribute to the world of crime and sorrow with which we are 
confronted in our daily walks of life. Now, frankly, my friends, 
how on earth are we to discover these defectives and properly 
treat them without compulsory registrations and free medical ex¬ 
aminations and free medical attention? And how are we to effect 
this great reform without centralized authority—without a great 


33 


Democratic Federal Police System as suggested? Let’s quit kid¬ 
ding ourselves—things are not what they ought to be, and the man 
who says they are, or is indifferent, is not what he ought to be. 
Scat, you despicable political pacifists. 

There were four men hanged at Salem, Oregon, recently. 
One of these victims. Noble Faulder, by name, had a speech to 
make to the spectators of that grewsome affair. And as he 
squared his shoulders upon the platform like some grand states¬ 
man, the spectators thot he was going to launch out into a lengthy 
speech, but he came direct to the point, and said: “Hanging will 
never cure crime—we must get at the roots of evil.’’ 

Governor Oswald West, of Oregon, took Faulder’s last words 
as a text to speak from the following evening, and said, in part: 
“If we deliberately permit organized greed to breed these crim¬ 
inals thru the aid of poverty and vice, are we not, in a way, re¬ 
sponsible for their acts? Let those who wish to prevent crime look 
about them and see the conditions in which children are bred 
and obliged to grow up—let them lend a hand to those who are 
trying to remove some of the causes, and they will do far more 
towards protecting society than by crying ‘Crucify Him, Crucify 
Him’.’’ 

E. E. Rittenhouse, of the Equitable Life Insurance Company 
of New York City, claims that there are sixty thousand people 
in the city who have tuberculosis, of which number forty thousand 
are permitted to roam at large and spread this dreaded disease 
because of insufficient hospital facilities. 

“Chicago, Jan. 8, 1913.—One hundred city detectives in even¬ 
ing dress will stroll among the dancers at the Arabian Nights Ball 
at the First Armory Friday night, watching for thieves in disguise. 
It is estimated that more than a million dollars worth of jewelry 
will be worn by the dancers—the dance is a Charity affair for the 
benefit of a hospital’’ 

Perhaps this dance cost in time and money more than one 
hundred thousand dollars, yet but some fourteen thousand dollars 
was secured for the hospital in question. It is safe to say that the 
rich anarchists who patronized that ball would contribute millions 
of dollars to a campaign to defeat any sane measure of providing 
free medical attention for the destitute. These men and women 
of wealth desire to usurp the functions of government—they do 


34 


not believe in popular government, neither does their social coun¬ 
terpart the I. W. W. One reason why I know that I am absolutely 
right in my contentions, is because I can not agree with either 
the rich or the poor I. W. W. elements—it is up to the great ma¬ 
jority that is being crushed between these groups of anarchists to 
take a firm hold on the reins of government and see that it is 
administered in the interest of all and not of class. We must put 
an end to class consciousness in this great land. 

Chattel Slavery 

In the days of chattel slavery, the man who possessed title 
deed, bill of sale, along with positive means of identifying a negro, 
could place this paper with any loaning institution as security for a 
loan of five hundred dollars. Now if the physical value of a negro 
was worth a five hundred dollar loan to his master, why is it, as 
a free man, the negro can not borrow a twenty-five cent piece? 
The answer is that he is not free, nor is his white brother who 
has to work for wages. If these laborers are not free, what will 
make them free? The national passport system, along with simp¬ 
lified national laws in regards to the collection of debts, and in¬ 
surance against idleness, sickness and death, will give our laboring 
men and women a title deed to themselves which will make them the 
best security on earth upon which to loan money. It is a terrible con¬ 
dition when an honest laborer can not borrow the price of a bed or a 
meal. It is a peculiar economic condition which says that an un¬ 
developed, idle mine is not sufficient security upon which to loan 
money, when the moment one hundred men are placed to work in 
the mine, the boss can borrow one hundred thousand dollars on the 
property—the fact of the matter is that no man can borrow a dollar 
on anything not backed up by labor. Hence, labor is the greatest 
security on earth—it is the only security. 

So, Mr. wage-earner, let no man tell you that the photographic 
passport system, democratically incepted and administered, will 
work to your disadvantage. The grafters will tell you this in 
order to play upon your sympathies against these democratic sug¬ 
gestions—but if you are an honest man, you will not be ashamed 
of your identity. 

Register Your Trade Mark 

The responsible manufacturer registers his trade-mark and jeal- 


35 


dusly guards it against infringements and against shoddy materials 
and inefficient workmanship entering in the manufacture of the 
goods. The irresponsible manufacturer is forever changing his 
trade-mark, and manufactures his goods of the cheapest material, 
and with the cheapest labor that is to be had. Just so with per¬ 
sons when encouraged to do so by a weak, vacillating government. 

The men and women of sterling character will not object to 
compulsory registration and a photographic passport system. Such 
men and women realize the fact that to permit boys and girls to 
roam the country at large under assumed name is to invite them 
to play loose with their reputations and be reduced to shame. 
Indeed we are good and bad in the degree that we are encouraged 
to be good and bad by good and bad government. 

Who Fears the Law? 

The law that reads “Thou shalt not commit murder,” has no 
terror for the man who is free of murderous propensities. The 
law that reads “Thou shalt not commit adultery,” has no terror for 
the man who is free of adulterous propensities—and the law that 
would read that you can not roam the country at large, murder, 
steal, pilfer, rape, will have no terror for the men and women 
whose burning desire is to do right. Nobody ever heard of a law 
being made by the consent of the majority of the people, intended 
to work an injury to any, except where that few whom the law 
would injure are restrained from injuring the many—but this is 
not so where a few rule over the many. Therefore, we must have 
absolute popular rule—and we can not have absolute popular rule 
without a democratic passport system thru which means alone 
can we institute a perfect system of balloting. Get this! A per¬ 
fect system of balloting is the first essential in our march on 
Freedom—and there is but one way in all the world to provide a 
perfect system of balloting, and that way is, as above suggested, 
to institute an all federal police system and a democratic national 
passport system. What say you who would “lend a hand to make 
the bad things good, and the good things better?” 

CRUCIFIXION 

“Crucify him! Crucify him!” the grafters say 
Of everyone who goes astray; 

But now that Christ is returning 
In the hearts of men we are learning 


36 


That it is better to prosecute the causes of crime, 
Than to continue prosecuting the results thereof, 
That we may in some future time 
Take our places on the right hand side of God. 


Go down into the wicked dives of hell; 

The places that the wicked state knows well. 
And you will find that there is not a person 
Who is not overfilled with patriotism 
For the ship of state now afloat. 

And our fair women would deny the vote. 

As such would mean the overhauling of the ship. 
And in line the political vipers they would whip. 


You will always find the awful rich 
Standing with criminality in this last ditch 
Against the freedom of the mother of man— 

To these vipers mother-honor bedamned. 

“A vote, a vote,” is the women’s wail, 

Which will be denied them until something prevails. 
Giving absolute freedom to the oppressed. 

And not continuing democracy as a mere jest. 


You may also interview the man who drove the slaves. 
Away down south in the early days. 

And you will also find that this man 

Says: ‘‘Child-labor laws and mother-honor bedamned.” 

And again you will find some wicked preachers. 

With all their supposed wisdom as teachers. 

Saying that a woman’s place is in the home. 

No matter if she has none, and has to roam 
The streets on wintry nights for a living. 

But it is to these that the vote is worth giving. 

However, we now commemorate 
The many happenings of recent date. 

Such as the adoption of the Direct Primary, 

Which if enlarged upon will get our query 
Then from this great new freedom. 

The Brotherhood of Man will come. 

And the scriptures will come to an end. 

With peace upon earth, good will to men. 


37 


THE FEDERATION OF INDUSTRY 


Fore-word: From the beginning of time, all wars have been of 

economic origin—and not until our economic problems are solved to 
the tune of Universal Brotherhood in Business, will wars cease to be. 
If the peope of the different nations of the world were financially in¬ 
terested in a great international steamship corporation which had a 
monopoly in oceanic transportation, we would not now be sinking our 
own ships, would we? 

^ ^ ip 

The fourth administrative commission, consisting of fifteen 
members, that would be selected at large by the direct and 
popular vote of the people’s representatives in Congress would be 
known as the Federal Industrial Commission. 

The principal duties of the Federal Industrial Commission 
would be in planning and keeping under way of construction 
at all times, great governmental improvements, such as the con¬ 
struction of highways, irrigation projects, reforesting, construct¬ 
ing ships, waterways, public buildings, etc., that labor, the greatest 
of civilized securities, will never again go to waste for the lack 
of legitimate employment to be had, at a living wage. 

It is estimated that we need some two hundred thousand miles 
of modern roads in connection with our scheme of military pre¬ 
paredness. It seems impossible to secure these much needed 
roads owing to the overlapping jurisdictions between the state 
and federal government. No such confusion arises in Alaska, 
which is an integral part of the Union, hence subject to federal 
administration. In Alaska the federal government is free to ex¬ 
pend millions on public highways without creating state jealousies 
—there is no Home Rule in Alaska except a small degree in in¬ 
corporated cities, and this should be abolished as soon as possible. 
The only places in Alaska where the federal law against gambling 
is violated to any extent is in incorported cities where there is a 
division of authority between the municipal and the federal gov¬ 
ernments. 

One of the first bills of proposed law that would be presented to 
Congress by the Federal Industrial Commission, would be for 


38 


establishing a national minimum wage, applicable to all manners 
of employment at hire. 

This national minimum wage would form a scientific basis of 
tariff reforms, when different tariff schedules would be arranged 
for the different countries, according to the different scale of wages 
paid in the different industries of the different countries. It is re- 
diculously absurd for us to impose the same tariff against goods en¬ 
tering the country from Canada, for the purpose of illustration, 
where five dollars per day is the going wages for skilled labor, as 
that imposed against goods entering from Japan where skilled labor 
is paid but one dollar per day. 

With this national minimum wage in vogue, one could then 
consistently stand for both free trade and protection. We could 
then give absolute free trade to the nations that adopt our 
industrial standards in toto. I stand for free trade with the na¬ 
tions that adopt our industrial standards, and import duties suf¬ 
ficient to overcome the difference between the wages paid at 
home and abroad upon the goods manufactured in countries that 
do not adopt our industrial standards—just a square deal, that 
is all. 

One of the other bills of proposed law that would be presented 
to Congress by the Federal Industrial Commission, would be a pro¬ 
posed corporation law demanding of all proposed co-operative 
concerns complete information of the assets, and the nature of the 
business intended to engage in. This information would be given 
to the corporation department of the nearest federal bank 
where the head offices of the corporations seeking charters are to 
be situated and if the information is satisfactory, the charters 
would be granted and the stocks distributed thru this particular 
department of the banks, in the certified names of the purchasers. 
This would make it impossible for people to own industrial se¬ 
curities under assumed names, a reform much needed in this 
country. 

The law would also read that ten thousand shares is to be 
the limited amount of stock issued in any one certified name in 
any one corporation, or allowed voted by mail over the certified 
name of any one person in the elections of any one corporation, 
hence necessitating that all stocks be made non transferable ex¬ 
cept thru the issuing offices of the federal banks where new 
certificates of stock would be issued in the certified names of 


39 


the new purchasers of the old stocks on resale, thus forbidding 
any one person, or any small number of persons gaining control 
of the voting majority of these stocks and thereby being ^placed in a 
position to dominate over the majority of the small stockholders. 
This law would also state the kind of popular governments that 
corporations are to have, and how their elections are to be held 
thru the federal offices issuing the charters and stocks. 

The object to be attained by setting a standard price on in¬ 
dustrial stocks at their initial sale, and in placing a limit of fifty 
thousand dollars worth of this stock to be issued in any one certi¬ 
fied name, is to discourage the accumulation of hundreds of mil¬ 
lions of dollars in the hands of a single individual. A greater 
distribution of capital ownership among a greater number of peo¬ 
ple is the object aimed at. Do not confuse this with Socialism, as 
it is as foreign to Socialism as day is to dark. The Socialists are 
clamoring for a Kaiserian governmental ownership of everything, 
“even to our very souls,” is the way one German put it. Whereas 
I am contending for a greater distribution of private ownership 
among a greater number of people. 

It does not require a great amount of human intelligence for 
one to grasp the great fundamental truth, that if there was a limit 
to the amount of capital stock any one person could own in 
any one corporation, that there would be a greater distribution 
of capital ownership in industry among a greater number of per¬ 
sons, hence a greater distribution of the profits of industry among 
a greater number of persons, hence less poverty. 

If a greater distribution of capital ownership in industry 
among a greater number of persons would lessen poverty, then 
it is the duty of the government to encourage in every legitimate 
way the common people to withdraw their savings from the 
vaults of private banks, whose owners and directors are their 
recognized enemies, and invest directly in co-operative enterprises. 
For me to say these things and to offer no concrete suggestions 
for bringing about the desired results, would be for me to flounder 
along in the already too well beaten and gory paths of past 
agitators, who opposed everything, but proposed nothing worth 
while. Therefore, I will break away from the old order of op¬ 
position long enough to make a proposition. 

So I suggest, for the purpose of illustration, that when the 
Alaska railroad is completed by the federal government at a 


40 


cost of, say, fifty million dollars, that this road be incorporated 
with a capitalization of ten million shares of stock, par value per 
share five dollars, and sell this stock to the public with a guaran¬ 
teed dividend of five percent per annum, and with a limit of one 
thousand shares of this stock to be issued in any one certified 
name, and make the stocks nontransferable except thru the issu¬ 
ing office of the department of the interior, where new certifi¬ 
cates of stock would be issued in the certified names of the new 
purchasers of the old stocks on resale. 

This guaranteed dividend of five per cent per annum would 
result in this block of stock being taken up almost over night, 
when the fifty million dollars resulting from these sales would 
be returned to the United States Treasury to the credit of the 
Department of the Interior for developing a new industrial enter¬ 
prise for selling to the public with a similar guarantee of dividends 
—and on and on could we go with this single nest egg of fifty 
million dollars until we have encouraged at least a majority of 
the adult population to invest in a majority of our industrial 
enterprises. 

“But,” the hired press will say, “how can we guarantee 
dividends on industrial stocks?” And I will ask, how do we guar¬ 
antee dividends on Panama Canal Bonds, or the great transcon¬ 
tinental railroads? It is by “fixing” prices, is it not? Just so 
can the federal government fix prices to guarantee dividends on 
certain grades of industrial stocks. 

Again, the federal government has engaged in the business 
of manufacturing steamships. This was an emergency measure 
and it is generally supposed that the ships will be disposed of 
after the war. Why not incorporate a great steamship company 
and name it the International Steamship Corporation, and sell 
these stocks to all nationalities with a guaranteed dividend of 
five percent per annum, inviting other nations to participate in 
the transaction. If properly conceived and executed, billions of 
dollars worth of stock in such an corporation could be disposed 
of within the year—and gradually, but surely, the people of the 
world would learn to become common owners in the world’s 
deep-sea transportation business, when we would no longer sink 
the merchant ships of the earth. There is but one way to abolish 
war, and that way is to replace ruthless international competition 
with Universal Brotherhood in Business. 


41 


However, it would be foolish of me to even think for a mo¬ 
ment that the men in our Congress who, thru a corrupt partisan, 
political system, represent rank individualism in wealth, would 
contribute to the ends that a greater community of industrial in¬ 
terests would be established. Governments seldom, if ever, make 
good conditions—seldom, if ever, make any conditions. Gov¬ 
ernments come into being in recognition of established conditions 
—the governments of the world change only as the conditions 
change. Therefore, if we really desire an absolute Democracy 
in government, we must first sow the seeds of Democracy in our 
business methods. If we can not encourage the producers of the 
world’s goods to invest their savings in the tools with which 
they work, then we can never encourage them to vote intelligently, 
for the very simple reason that they will have nothing which 
needs governmental fathering. I have said that the people of the 
world are good and bad according to good and bad government 
—and I do not contradict the statement by declaring that the 
common government does not make conditions—there are other 
governments than the common government—there is the gov¬ 
ernment of business, for illustration. 

There must be an incentive for everything. The incentive for 
extreme, privately-owned governments was created by extreme, 
private ownership. There will be the necessary incentive for a 
government of the people, by the people, and in the interest of 
the people, as a majority, when the people as a majority own 
the majority of the wealth of the nation and world, and not until 
then. 

If I had one hundred thousand dollars, I would incorporate 
a concern that would put completely out of business great in¬ 
dividually controlled corporations. Fifty thousand dollars of this 
money I would place in the operating treasury of the new cor¬ 
poration in question. The remaining fifty thousand dollars I 
would place in the bank as a bonafide guarantee of ten percent 
dividends per annum on ten thousand shares of stock, special 
issue No. 1, five dollars per share, and with a limit of one 
thousand shores of this stock to be issued in any one certified 
name, and for sale to bonafide wage-earners only. With this 
bonafide guarantee of dividends, this special issue of stock would 
be taken up almost over night, when the fifty thousand dollars 
resulting from these sales would be deposited in the bank as a 
bonafide guarantee of dividends on a similar issue of stock desig- 


42 


natedi as special issue No. 2. This second issue of guaranteed 
dividend producing stock would also be taken up on short notice, 
when the fifty housand dollars resulting from these sales would 
be returned to the bank and the dose repeated—and on and on 
would I go with this single nest egg of fifty thousand dollars 
until I had encouraged a majority of the nationals of the earth 
to become owners of the majority of the industries of the world, 
when as a natural result of this international common ownership, 
the necessary incentive would be created for a common interna¬ 
tional government of the people, by the people, and in the in¬ 
terest of the people, as a majority. If there is really and truly 
a philanthropist with one hundred thousand dollars at command, 
let him or her step forward and show colors. 

But it would be foolish of me to expect any man of wealth 
to take kindly to a proposition intended to make men more 
equal—such men can not understand; they would prefer to ex¬ 
ploit the masses and dole out to them charity. So, 1 will have 
to go it alone, like the baby learning to walk, and build up gradu¬ 
ally to that commanding position where 1 can say to the world: 
“Here is a perfected business of all men, developed and a-going 
—take it over and operate it for the common good.” 

In order to encourage the common people to become common 
owners in the earth, and, hence, create the necessary incentive 
for Democracy, we have incorporated a new concern with which 
the common people may invest their savings—and in order that 
there might be no mistaking the true Christian import of this new 
concern, we have named it the Christian Industrial Corporation. 
This very book is being published and marketed by the Christian 
Industrial Corporation, and every dollar in profits is going directly 
into the operating treasury of the concern, the author securing a 
very small royalty for his script. 

The Christian Industrial Corporation is being incorporated un¬ 
der the laws of the State of Washington, and its stock will 
soon be for sale at five dollars per share, no more; no 
less. Nor is it intended that these stocks will ever sell 
for more or less than five dollars per share, since all profits 
above ten percent shall go into a sinking fund for guaranteeing 
future dividends. We will not tell the public that this stock is 
apt to jump to ten or twenty thousand dollars per share, but to 
the contrary, as above stated, we shall make it our business to 
hold the stocks at par—this is no “get-rich-quick” concern—if 


43 


you are looking for more than ten percent profit on your invest¬ 
ments, go somewhere else. But you will not go somewhere else 
after you have heard me—and you must hear me. 

There is no bar to race, creed or color, as to ownerhsip of 
stocks in the Christian Industrial Corporation, and the certified 
signature of each stockholder will be placed on file at our inter¬ 
national headquarters in order to provide means for voting by 
mail in our election—and the last word in popular rule shall pre¬ 
vail, along identical lines suggested for the common government 
in part two of this work. 

It is the object of this corporation to engage in a large way 
in the principal industries of the world, but our first attention 
will be centered on the press; for the press is mightier than the 
sword—and, as yet, might rules. 

Today is “Labor Day” in this great birth place of freedom— 
and as 1 look out of the window of my hotel upon the thousands 
of men and women marching in the parade, I think of them in the 
numbers of the American Federation of Labor—nearly three 
million strong. These three million men and women draw down 
an average wage of about one hundred dollars per month. Sup¬ 
pose that the American Federation of Labor takes kindly to this 
corporation and votes to compel each of its members working, 
to take a five-dollar share of stock monthly—this would be fif¬ 
teen million dollars per month, one hundred and eighty mil¬ 
lion per year, or the grand total amount of one billion and eight 
hundred million dollars in ten years. With this income piling 
into our treasury, we could duplicate the Chicago Tribune, the 
New York World, the San Francisco Examiner, and the host of 
capitalistic-controlled papers of the world within a couple of 
years, which, with this press representation, would insure victory 
without a struggle at arms, or the spilling of a drop of blood— 
“peace upon earth, good will to men.” Will you invest your 
surplus cash with yourselves, or will you continue to leave it in 
the banks for the use of the investment bankers in buying up 
the business enterprises in which you work? Think it over. 

‘‘Workers of the World, Unite!” Not for the sole purpose 
of compelling a few greedy employers to pay you a mere pittance 
of their tremendous profits ground from the common people, but 
for the double purpose of becoming employers and employees 
combined. Men and women of modest means, you have your 


44 


souls to save; your peace of mind, by investing in Christian In¬ 
dustrial Corporation stocks. 

“And Christ looked up and saw the multitude casting their 
gifts into the treasury, and said: ‘How hardly can a man of 

(great) riches enter the kingdom of God.. For wherever a 

man’s treasure is, there also will his heart be.’ 

Christ knew the psychology which gave the truth to this 
statement. He knew that if a man is the sole owner of a great 
industrial enterprise, that he will learn to think only of the pros¬ 
perity of this private business instead of the welfare of the thou¬ 
sands employed in that business, as God would have him do. 
Whereas, on the other hand. He knew that if millions of men and 
women were interested with this same man in a great business 
enterprise, that he would be sure of loyal protection at the hands 
of those industrial brothers and sisters. This is why certain great 
concerns (take the J. I. Case concern at Racine, Wisconsin, for 
illustration) distribute a small measure of stock among the in¬ 
fluential citizens of the community—this is to secure sentiment 
in the courts, etc., in case of trouble between employer and em¬ 
ployee. It is so simple that a child should understand. 

“No man can serve two masters (himself and the public), 
for he will hate the one and love the other, else he will hold on 
to the one and despise the other—ye can not worship God and 
mammon.” 

And still there are sky-pilots who contend that Christ was 
not concerned with the material affairs of this old world. Let me 
urge every working man and women to study constantly the New 
Testament—Christ was the first great labor leader. He told 
you that you were the salt of the earth—now be men and women 
and acknowledge your friend. At this time I will dedicate this 
part of my work to the living Christ who fraternized freely with 
the common people—will you accept Him as your industrial 
Savior? Will you take His thunder and slap the timid clergy in 
the face with it and make them recognize the life in the living 
as the means thru which the greater life in death can be attained? 

“When the sign of the Son of Man shall be seen coming in 
the heavens (the single Star, symbolic of Christian unity, used as 
the frontispiece of this book), ye shall know that the desolation 
(of private business) is nigh.” 

“And the (private) merchants of the earth shall weep and 
mourn over her, for no man buyeth their goods any more.” 


45 



It stands to reason that the great multitude will purchase the 
goods manufactured by their own concern, eat at their own 
restaurants, stop at their own hotels, travel on their own steam¬ 
ships and express trains, instead of patronizing their competitor 
and enemy—a competitor is an enemy. 

“And whosoever falleth upon this rock (the Christian Indus¬ 
trial Corporation) shall be ground to powder.” Most certainly 
“the merchants of the earth will weep and mourn over her.” 

However, it is the desire of the directors of this corporation 
to save individuals engaged in private businese from utter ruin— 
we will consider exchanging Christian Industrial stocks for your 
private business. You must be with us, else against us. You are 
invited to come in with us—are you game? 

*>(> if 

The New Star 

“The star that shone over Bethlehem, leading the wise men 
from the uttermost corners of the earth to the cradle in the 
manger, may never have its counterpart in this world again. It 
was the one great mystery, and perhaps even today we can not 
understand its meaning, or all that it has meant in the past, or 
will mean in the ages that stretch out before us. But in its sym¬ 
bolism, it is significant of the fact that it led the wise men to their 
hearts desire. In this sense many stars may rise and lead the 
world over against the place where man’s fondest hopes may be 
realized. 

Another star is rising now and bears the same relation to 
the Christian life in the living as the star that rested over against 
the manger centuries ago—it is the single star on the New Flag of 
Freedom, used on the frontispiece of this book, and which is the 
official trade mark of the Christian Industrial Corporation, and 
is symbolic of unity in business, hence the sharing of industrial 
profits with a greater number of people. 

Let us approach this new Christianity in business with the con¬ 
scientious resolve that it shall have full opportunity to demon¬ 
strate its superiority over the old era of hate, suspicion, and busi¬ 
ness enmity. 

The Christian Industrial Corporation is pledged to the future 
well being of all people, regardless of race, creed or color. The 
object of its founders is to gradually lead the world over against 


46 


the place where some day there will no longer rule supreme the 
criminal idea of thine and mine, but ours. Will you become one 
with us? Or will you still insist on going it alone to hell, the 
natural destination of all selfish men and women? 

if if- ip 

The Prince of Peace 

For unto us. He, as a Son was born; 

For unto us. He, as a Child was given; 

But from the flesh His life was torn. 

And taken away on the wings to heaven. 

And the government shall rest upon His shoulders. 

With justice to the highest, unto the least. 

And 1 am tempted to become a little bolder 
And proclaim Him the only Prince of Peace. 

The publishers of this book are incorporating under the laws 
of the State of Washington, and perhaps there is no other state 
which better protects its investors. The business is well financed 
as it is, but our object can only be attained thru a continual in¬ 
crease in membership. Therefore, if you believe in a greater dis¬ 
tribution of capital ownership in industry among a great number of 
people, along with absolute popular industrial rule, and hava 
some spare cash to invest, write us for copy of articles of incor¬ 
poration and by-laws. 

if if if 

Personnel of the Christian Industrial Corporation 

TTiere is a limit of ten thousand shares to the amount of stock 
any one person can own, or vote by mail in the Christian In¬ 
dustrial Corporation. And in order that the founder of the cor¬ 
poration, Jesse T. Kennedy, might remain for a time in a dominat¬ 
ing position over the affairs of the corporation, until a democratic 
majority might be attained sufficient to vote him and his out of 
control, ten thousand shares of stock have been issued, on credit, 
to be paid for out of the profits of the corporation, to him and 
each of four of his friends and relatives—fifty thousand shares of 
stock altogether. This stock is made absolutely non-transferable 
and revertable to the corporation at death, the parties in question 
merely holding the stock in trust in order to secure for the author 
and founder fair representation while the corporation is being 
permanently established in business. The entire profits of this 


47 



publication goes into the operating treasury of the corporation, 
with an option on other literary works that are soon to follow. 
The books will be open at all times to subscribers of stock, and 
tho the corporation recognizes labor unions, none other than 
stockholders will be employed by the corporation. If you wish 
to register with a promising concern, you will be recognized by 
the present management in the same degree of haste that you 
recognized him. We offer nothing but a square deal and beauti¬ 
ful prospects. It is up to you. 



48 


THE FEDERATION OF FINANCE 


Fore-word: Money was originally created for the purpose of a 

convenient medium of exchange in trade and barter—to be of aid, for 
illustration, to the farmer in Kansas in exchanging his wheat for Texas 
beef and Moline plows, without hauling his wheat to Texas or Moline in 
order to make the exchange. It was not intended that our medium of ex¬ 
change would fall into the hands of a few for manipulating the prices 
of the necessities and luxuries of life. Unless we can prevent scoundrels 
from manipulating the prices of food and clothing, better abolish money 
entirely and return to the old methods of toting our wheat with an ox 
team to the market where we can exchange it for beef and plows, and 
the other necessities of the farm. It has been said that it remains for 
finance to put an end to war. This author might have put it: “It re¬ 
mains for the common people to gain control of finance when wars will 
cease to be.” 

>(- 

The fifth administrative commission, consisting of fifteen 
members, that would be selected at large by the direct and popu¬ 
lar vote of the people’s representatives in Congress, would be 
known as the Financial Commission. 

The first bill of proposed law that would be introduced be¬ 
fore Congress by this commission, would be a bill for instituting 
a federal banking system in conjunction with the United States 
Treasury. 

The United States Treasury would form the central bank of 
the nation, and state or provincial, and municipal central banks, 
and branch banks would be established, where needed, thruout 
our possessions. 

At these local banks, all securities representing property 
values would be recorded annually, and upon each transfer of 
ownership—the annual tax being paid at the time of the first 
registration. 

These annually recorded securities, representing property 
values, would form the basis of a new currency issue, when cur¬ 
rency equalling fifty percent of the total recorded property values 
of the nation would be struck off and distributed among the 
government banks thruout the country to loan on no other se¬ 
curities, at the initial loan, than the securities it represents, thus 


49 


forming a great system of credit whereby rural communities 
would no longer be compelled to pay tribute to the money-lords 
of the larger cities in order to secure capital for developing their 
natural advantages. 

One of the many arguments that the wealthy interests will put 
forward, more especially the bankers, is that this increased cur¬ 
rency issue would result in the depreciation of present values— 
and this is what ought to happen, since the country is badly over 
capitalized. But this is not the real reason why they would 
oppose my program—it is the desire of the thieves to curtail the 
output of the goods with which they exploit the people. Some 
capitalists desire to see a condition whereby ten men are looking 
for every job—they deal in jobs. Other capitalists desire to cur¬ 
tail the output of lumber—they deal in lumber. And it is supposed 
that the Standard Oil Co. had the government place millions of 
acres of oil land in reservation—this was to shut out competition 
of small oil producers who were forever developing new wells— 
the Standard Oil Company deals in oil. So it is but natural that 
the bankers will object to an increase in the currency issue—they 
deal in currency. If you are a banker, 1 do not expect you to 
agree with me. 

In a preceding chapter, I told you how the owner of a bill 
of sale to a negro, giving perfect identification of the negro, 
could borrow five hundred dollars, or more, on this security, and 
how the negro could not borrow a dollar on himself as a free 
man. Now I will explain to you how a national passport system 
after the order suggested in a preceding chapter will make it pos¬ 
sible for wage-earners to step in at any government bank and 
borrow money on their own personal recognizance. 

As intimated above, these federal banks will constitute the 
only legal places to record securities. Well, the government will 
declare labor a good security to loan money on, hence subject 
to taxation, like other good securities. And this labor security 
would be required to register at the nearest government banks to 
where it is employed annually, just as other securities would be 
compelled to register. And as the laborer properly identifies him 
or herself by the means of his or her photographic identification, 
and declares his trade or profession, the worth of which is es¬ 
tablished by the national minimum wage, he or she will be re¬ 
quired to pay his or her taxes (the bank advancing the money 


50 


if necessary), and will be receipted with an insurance policy, 
guaranteeing him or her against loss by sickness, accident, lack of 
employment to be had at a living wage, death, etc., and with this se¬ 
curity in hand, the laborer could step in at any federal bank and 
borrow fifty percent of the value of his or her annual earning 
power, or the full amount of the insurance policy. Of course this 
credit could not be extended the laborers without a national pass¬ 
port system of the last word in efficiency. 

Once upon a time there was a certain very valuable mining 
prospect. A certain gentleman of leisure had possessed himself of 
title deed to this hole in the ground. He journeyed to New York 
with his securities, along with samples of ore and many reliable 
assays. He went to a pawnbroker and asked to borrow one 
hundred thousand dollars on his mine. The pawnbroker asked 
him how many men were employed. The gentleman of leisure 
said he had no men employed. “Well then,” said the pawn¬ 
broker, “I can loan you no money—we make no loans on idle pro¬ 
perties.” 

But before the gentleman of leisure was permitted to depart, 
the pawnbroker said: “Now if you will agree to expend every 
dollar of this money on labor and material in improving the mine 
and getting out ore, and will allow me to send with you a financial 
secretary, I will loan you the hundred thousand dollars. The 
gentleman of leisure agreed, the money was forthcoming, and one 
hundred men found employment. The point 1 wish to make is 
that, in reality, the money was not loaned on the mining property 
at all, but on the men employed. Now, why is it that these men 
can not borrow money with which to operate industries? It is be¬ 
cause the government, being owned and controlled by the exploit¬ 
ing class, deemed them industrial slaves of no value except to their 
owners—except to the owners of the tools with which they work. 

Under my program it will be different. Under my program 
a body of working men will be in a position to step up to a bank 
and say: “Here is one hundred of us. We have one hundred 
thousand dollars in insurance; and we have title deed to a splendid 
mine which we desire to open up and operate—can we secure 
the necessary funds?” The government would be but too glad 
to accommodate its industrious citizens—and the middleman in 
finance would be eliminated. 


51 


The bankers will tell you that this is utopia and impractical, 
but it is up to you to do your own thinking. But if you have 
little power of reason, do like a lumber-jack 1 know did in regards 
to the prohibition question—he noted the names of twenty-six 
millionaires indorsing the wet side of the argument and had sense 
enough to know that what was in the interest of the millionaire 
was not in the interest of himself, so voted dry. 

Just as soon as we put the shyster lawyers, pawnbrokers, quack 
physicians, etc., out of busines and quit drawing the cream and 
butter and eggs and spring chickens from the rural communities 
into the pantries of legalized thieves in the cities, just then, and not 
until then, will there begin that steady movement back to, and 
retention on the farms of our boys and girls—leave most of the 
prosperity in the country and the most of the people will stay in 
the country, else go to it. The people have enough sense to go 
where the grass is the longest. However, they don’t seem to have 
enough sense to cultivate the grass for themselves—but we are 
learning fast. Just a few simplified national laws of, by, and 
for the people, will turn the trick of the happy economic millenium. 

THE CURSE OF GOLD 

Oh you. Gold, Gold; Gold! 

For you alone I sold my soul. 

That I might meet my guests, 

Wrapped within a satin dres. 

It was not because 1 was in poverty 
That I sold my soul into eternity. 

But because of the fashions set by press, 

And all the other lauding over dress. 

But now that 1 have paid the awful price. 

In the toll of my soul in wicked vice, 

It will be my pleasure to attempt to prove 
Who is to blame, before 1 move. 

Before I move on into dark eternity. 

May the just gods have mercy upon me, 

For in truth I was not to blame. 

But instead, statesmen of forged fame. 

It was statesmen of poor standards of morality. 

Whose conduct led our souls into dark eternity. 

For dollar diplomacy was all they knew. 

By which means they secured their wads and then withdrew. 


52 


Withdrew to dress their women in the height of style, 
Over which the advertising press went wild, 

Until my feminine heart fairly wailed 
For the satin dress with the ten yard trail. 

1 saw prostitutues as they paraded the streets. 

And served them when they came to eat. 

In their gorgeous gowns, and jewels grand. 

Which seemed to appeal to wicked man. 

Therefore, with nothing held out to attract 
By youthful heart and virtue back 
To the life pictured by mother, sweet, 

1 turned my steps towards the street. 

And now that 1 am growing old. 

And remember all the lovers bold. 

Whose virtues 1 dare not relate. 

For that too was in the image of the state. 

Therefore, in my last anguishing hours. 

If God will give me power, 

I will repent and try again 
To expose this state of criminal reigns. 



53 


THE FEDERATION OF EDUCATION 


The sixth administrative commission, consisting of fifteen mem¬ 
bers, that would be selected at large by the direct and popular 
vote of the people’s representatives in Congress, would be known 
as the Federal Educational Commission. 

The first bill of proposed law that would be submitted to 
Congress by this commission, would be a bill for centralizing our 
public schools system, when all city, county and state public school 
properties would be commandeered at a just valuation and used 
for the common good, as advised by the people as a whole. 

This commission would select under commissions for touring 
the country and holding examinations of students, issuing diplomas 
to teach, practice medicine, surgery, dentistry, nursing, soldiery, 
electrical, gas, steam and civil engineering, plumbing, pipe fitting, 
engraving, mechanical drafting, etc., of which all trades and pro¬ 
fessions coiild be practiced in any of our possessions whatever, and 
free of local examinations, local licenses, and other unfair interfer¬ 
ences in the rights of our people to earn a living, thus, for the first 
time giving us the industrial and professional freedom originally 
intended. 

As a direct result of the separate states and districts legislative 
and administrative rights, we are forbidden the right to teach 
school, practice medicine, dentistry, law, etc., without first secur¬ 
ing permits or licenses from local boards of examiners whose in¬ 
structions are, if possible, to bar our practice from the state in 
question, thus robbing us of our most sacred rights, that of earning 
a living. As a direct result of the separate states and districts 
legislative rights we find that in some localities but about one 
dollar and a half per capita is expended on public schools, and 
this mostly on the higher grades which the children of the poor can¬ 
not attend, resulting in this becoming about the sixth nation in 
educational efficiency. 

No other than the English language and one simplified inter¬ 
national language would be taught in our public schools. The 
only way to bring harmony out of international chaos is thru the 
use of a common language. 


54 


Education is the secret to civilized advancement—government¬ 
al education the secret to advanced civilization itself. And the 
only way to properly educate the people governmentally is to per¬ 
mit them to govern themselves, absolutely—not in the sense of 
rank individualists, but in a community sense. Let a man create 
a tool and he will come very near understanding the working prin¬ 
ciples of that tool and will know how to operate it—let the people 
create their own laws and they will understand what those laws 
were intended to accomplish and how to operate them to these 
ends. Therefore, in conclusion, let me urge all radicals and pro¬ 
gressives to stand on the one firm platform, that of absolute popu¬ 
lar rule. 

THE LIGHT 

Show us the light, kindly father. 

Were words not mythically meant. 

But for advanced education, rather. 

In the fine arts of government. 

But under the bushel the light was placed 
By our modern political grafters. 

That their graft might not be defaced 
By the generations coming after. 

“The light of truth is breaking. 

On the mountain tops it gleams. 

Let it glitter along the valleys. 

Let it flash along the streams. 

Until our land fairly awakens 
From its flush of indolent dreams.” 



55 





DIRECT TAXATION 


Money must be forthcoming from some source for the main¬ 
tenance of government, but to create more and more government 
for the sole purpose of securing money for the maintenance there¬ 
of is a false political economic which no sane people should long 
tolerate. Yet this is exactly what is being done in the United 
States of America by internal revenues, monetary fines and 
licenses. 

For the government to solicit and accept as a penalty for wrong 
doing, a portion of the ill-gotten molhey in the guise of licenses and 
fines, is for the government to asume the position of a procurer 
from immorality, a crime which the government itself sends the 
individual to the penitentiary for committing—yet this is exactly 
what our government is doing right along. 

“New York, Dec. 20, 1916.—Albert Freeman pleaded guilty 
today to conspiracy to defraud investors thru illegal use of the 
mails, and was fined three thousand dollars.” 

It is just possible that this scoundrel cleared a hundred thousand 
dollars in this manner. If so, is it not the same as a license for the 
government to accept a part of this money as a penalty for wrong 
doing? 

We should abolish every form of taxation except a direct 
tax against all securities representing property values. Why 
should not every man pay towards the upkeep of the government 
which has made it possible for him to accumulate, and which stands 
armed to the teeth to protect his property from confiscation by 
outlaws from within and without? 

How ridiculous is the argument of the single taxers that only 
land values should be tared. Suppose, for the purpose of illustra¬ 
tion, that a man owned ten million dollars worth of office build¬ 
ings which were bringing him in one million dollars per year iii net 
profits—is there any sane reason why this man should be exempt 
of taxation? Never mind your argument to the effect that the 
land owner would get back at the leasee, for that is no argument 
at all. The question I put to all propagators of the single tax 
doctrine is, why should any values be exempt of taxation? Should 


56 


I make a hundred million dollars on a patent, ought I be exempt 
of taxation? And just as it is with the single tax doctrine, just so 
it is with all methods of taxation other than the very simple one 
only half tried, that of the Direct Tax. 

With a federal banking system in vogue, after the order sug¬ 
gested in a preceding chapter, when all securities representing prop¬ 
erty values would be recorded annually, and upon each transfer 
of ownership, at the nearest federal bank to where the property 
values the securities represent are situated, and copies of these rec¬ 
ords forwarded to the national treasury, then it would be a very 
simple problem to figure the percentage of taxation per dollar to 
be levied, both for national and local purposes, to meet the com¬ 
ing national and local budgets, for it must be understood that lo¬ 
calities will be given such extra expenditures as petitioned for, or 
thought needed, and will have to pay for the same. 

This concludes the brief outline of the certain, coming Democ¬ 
racy of this nation and the world. Only fools argue, so I will take 
the position of the wise ones and leave the argument to somebody 
else. In the concluding part of this work, now to follow, I will 
suggest a method for building within this rotten old shell of govern¬ 
ment, the splendid frame work of absolute Democracy. I will 
outline a method of common rule outside of the present form of 
government under which we live, that will some day come into its 
own and be recognized by the one now in use, and which will re¬ 
place it to the salvation of the world. A government within a 
government is the clamor of many creeds, but my plan is for a 
creedless government. 



57 


THE LABORERS’ PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION 

(Of America) 


PREAMBLE 

The 20th century has brought with it a peculiar economic 
phenomenon. It has come to pass that a very few persons have 
possessed themselves of governmental titles to the principal means 
of production and distribution and have formed themselves into 
a society known as the Employers’ Association, evidently for the 
purpose of securing labor as cheaply as possible, on the one hand, 
and selling the product for as much as the traffic will bear on the 
other—and since they do not pay the laborers the full amount of 
their earnings, they can not purchase the full amount of their pro¬ 
duction, hence periodically the factories are closed while the men 
stand idly by and see their product rot and dumped into the bay, 
when they are permitted to produce again. 

Again we find that a few men have designated themselves as 
“skilled” workmen (yet there is no greater skill than that de¬ 
manded of the modern farm and dairy hands) and have formed 
themselves into a society known as the American Federation of 
Labor, and have refused membership to more than about two 
per cent of the American people, contributing absolutely nothing 
that the remaining ninety and eight per cent of the people live a 
standard above the common serf. 

And at last the first mentioned group has recognized in the 
latter friends and brother grafters and the two, apparently, have 
come to a common understanding in the exploitation of the great 
masses of the common people. But even with this seemingly 
common understanding they occasionally fall out among them¬ 
selves over the division of the spoils ground unmercifully from 
the masses and proceed to make of this beautiful nation a sham¬ 
bles. 

This peculiar economic phenomenon has entered the very 
sanctity of the church. Certain parts of the clergy now have old- 
age pensions for its members, and pensions for the widows and 
orphans of deceased ministers—yet these leaders in thot and 


58 



moulders of public opinion, upon which is based law and the 
administration of law, have contributed practically no effort to 
the ends that the masses from which their benefits are obtained, 
are economically protected. 

But the saddest part about this peculiar economic phenomenon, 
is the fact that these selfish interests have contrived to shape 
vicious legislation, and have often influenced the administration 
of justice to the ends that such good laws that were, were made 
unoperative and uneffective, bringing shame upon America, and 
causing even themselves to openly question the wisdom of our 
semi-Democracy. 

So it has come to pass that men and women must organize in¬ 
dustrially and politically, else not get very much of this world’s 
goods, and in the end die in poverty and be buried in the pot¬ 
ters field. It has come to pass that millions of men and women 
are husbandless, wifeless and childless, homeless, and absolutely 
void of social ties, moping about the country with their heads 
hung upon their breasts and murmuring against society—nobody 
but a slave-driving heathen would even attempt to apologize for 
such a condition. 

Therefore a few of the fifteen million homeless and wifeless 
men, and a few of the nine million homeless, husbandless and 
childless women, along with a fair sprinkling of the fathers and 
mothers of many needy little ones, have formed ourselves into 
a society to be known as the Laborers’ Protective Association—a 
social organization with no boundary lines as to membership. 

And holding with the Christ, the great friend of the common 
people—“ye shall know the truth, and the truth will set you free,” 
—that government by education and popular persuasion is to be 
desired in preference to any manner of rule by force over the 
many that can be devised and executed by the few, we have 
adopted the following temporary rules of government, trusting 
that a larger membership, aided by the spirit of popular rule, will 
result in still more liberal and progressive government as time 
rolls by. 

^ ^ 

Rules. 

1. The membership fee in the Laborers’ Protective Association 
of America, is twenty-five cents per month, with no back dues 
exacted of members seeking employment. This fee has nothing 


59 


at all to do with locals affiliated with the society, either under 
this name or other names, since this is a national organization 
with a large vision. The Laborers’ Protective Association of 
America will recognize all locals, of whatever name, whose entire 
membership recognizes it in membership, this includes the locals 
now affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. The 
American Federation of Labor, as a national organization in 
which to affiliate locals, must be abolished—it is altogether too 
un democratic; too provincial. 

2. There is no bar to membership as to race, creed or color in 
the Laborers’ Protective Association of America. 

3. The Laborers’ Protective Association is but a branch of 
what is intended as a great international society of common peo¬ 
ple, more particularly adapted to the needs and conveniences of 
wage-earners. 

4. We recognize the wage system as the ideal system, if properly 
regulated by the wage-earners themselves, but that everybody 
should be compelled to labor at some useful pursuits. In this we 
oppose the position of the Industrial Workers of the World, also 
claiming to be an international organization, tho very national in 
its political propaganda. This organization has as its principal 
issue “the abolition of the wage system.’’ But before the wage 
system can be abolished, something better must be suggested— 
the wage system can be made the ideal system. 

All Not Responsible for Acts of Few 

5. All of the members of the Laborers’ Protective Association 
of America shall not be held responsible for the acts of an ill- 
advised few—this also opposes the propaganda of the Industrial 
Workers of the World, whose doctrine is “an injury to one, an 
injury to all.’’ A beautiful doctrine, but like a sword with two 
edges, cuts both ways. 

6. In order to secure the support of the national organization, 
locals affiliated with the Laborers’ Protective Association shall 
first submit the nature of its grievance and demands in writing to 
the employer in question, at the same time forwarding a copy 
of the manuscript to the national headquarters of our society. On 
receipt of such communication the national board of directors will 
open communication thru the mails with the employer in question, 
sending a copy of all correspondence to the local in question. 


60 


and should the local follow closely the advices of the national 
board of directors, and then should the employer prove obstinate 
and refuse to deal fairly with the local, a strike would be in¬ 
dorsed by the national board of directors, and this board 
would give such support as deemed advisable to the local on 
strike, with the hope of bringing the common enemy to time. 

Democracy Absolute. 

7. The spirit of absolute popular rule shall prevail thruout the 
society. Therefore, any member of the society shall be permitted 
to become a candidate for President who will declare his or her 
intention to this effect ninety days prior to the general national 
election, at the same time paying into the treasury of the society 
a cash filing fee of ten dollars. And any member shall be per¬ 
mitted to cast one ballot by mail and to support any one 
candidate, only, whose name appears upon the official ballot. 
And the candidate securing the most votes shall be declared the 
President of the Laborers’ Protective Association, the second 
popular choice. Vice President; the third popular choice. Second 
Vice President; and so on down in numerical order until the de¬ 
sired number of fifteen directors at large are secured for each 
million members or fraction thereof. In this manner we will at 
once set into operation within this old shell of government, the 
new form of government suggested in chapter two. 

8. There shall be no individual powers vested in the President 
of the Laborers’ Protective Association, other than that imposed 
in him or her by a two-thirds vote of the full board of directors. 
The general election shall be held by mail on the first Monday 
in December each year, ballots and literature having been pre¬ 
viously forwarded by mail to our members. And at these gen¬ 
eral elections, many subjects of interest will be voted upon, both 
pro and con arguments being forwarded to our members with 
blank ballots to use in voting by mail. So you can see that this 
is a democratic society—if you really want Democracy, come 
accept it. Nobody is going to hand you something on a silver 
platter. 

9. Being a part of what is intended as a great international 
society of all men, the members of this society must feel duty 
bound to educate their children in a universal language—a 
language yet to be decided upon. The industrial Kings and 


61 


Potentates desire to keep us apart in thot and action—it is, there¬ 
fore, up to us to get together in thot and action. 

We need the names and addresses of a few more men and 
women who desire to be registered as Charter members in the 
Laborers’ Protective Association of America. Forward address 
and money as indicated below, and should by chance our appli¬ 
cation for charter be rejected, your money shall be refunded. 


FORM OF APPLICATION FOR CHARTER MEMBERS 

Jesse T. Kennedy, 

c/o Washington Printing Company, 

First Ave. and University Street, Seattle, Wash. 

Dear Sir: 

Find enclosed one dollar ($1) as fee for Charter member in the 
Laborers’ Protective Association of which you propose applying for 
charter. 

Note: Signed. 

City. 

County. 

State. 

Nation. 

Note: Would like to communicate with foreign-born labor organizers 
with a view to sending them abroad at the conclusion of the war in the 
interest of the proposed Laborers’ Protective Association. The harvest 
is great—where is the harvesters? 

Victor Hugo said: ‘T represent a party which is not yet in existence— 
the party of revolution; of civilization. This party will mould the 20th 
century civilization. Out of it will come a United Europe, then a United 
World.” Who is going to say that this was not with reference to The 
Laborers’ Protective Association? 



62 









CONCLUDING REMARKS. 

In the foregoing, the writer endeavored to emulate the Christ, 
inasmuch that the Christ deliberated, even to writing in the sand, 
on what He was going to say to the people- He gave the world 
no literary chaff, but the very kernel of thought upon which a 
hungry people could feed their mentally starved souls. To this 
extent I have somewhat succeeded in emulating the greatest man 
that ever lived, for in this work I have reduced the original script 
by several hundred per cent. But in thus condensing the script, 
it seems that I have left out a lot that ought to have been said— 
however, it makes me doubly sure that I have said nothing that 
should not have been said. And I know by heart that which I 
have said—I can almost quote this book, word for word, from 
cover to cover, so thoroly have I mastered my subjects. 

Christ was a poor man and died true to His class. He told 
how impossible it was for a very rich man to enter the kingdom of 
God—it was an unpopular thing to say. On the other hand He 
told the poor that they were the salt of the earth, another un¬ 
popular thing to say, but if they lost their savor (power of reason) 
wherewith would the earth be salted. He tried to make them 
think—it was a hard task. He taught that sufficient for the day 
(this life) is the evil thereof. Abraham Lincoln said that fifteen 
thousand dollars was enough for any man—I make it fifty thousand. 
See chapter six, beginning with page 38. 


63 


CONTENTS 

THE FEDERATION OF THE WORLD.' 5 

THE FEDERATION OF THE NATION.13 

FOREIGN DIPLOMACY .26 

THE JUDICIARY ..27 

FEDERAL POLICE.29 

THE FEDERATION OF INDUSTRY.38 

THE FEDERATION OF FINANCE .49 

THE FEDERATION OF EDUCATION .54 

DIRECT TAXATION .56 

THE LABORERS’ PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION.58 

CONCLUDING REMARKS.63 

















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